The UK headquarters of the China Democracy Party strongly protests the Chinese government’s illegal cancellation of Chen Shuqing’s retirement pension

Chen Shuqing (born September 26, 1965) is a freelance writer and human rights activist from Fuyang, Zhejiang Province. He is a member of the Zhejiang Preparatory Committee of the China Democracy Party and one of the leaders of its national preparatory committee. He participated in the 1986 Zhejiang Student Movement and the 1989 Tiananmen Democracy Movement. He joined the Zhejiang Preparatory Committee of the China Democracy Party in 1998, was arrested in 1999 for organizing activities, and was sentenced to four years in prison in 2007 for publishing dissident articles. In September 2014, he was again arrested on charges of “subversion of state power.” On June 17, 2016, the Hangzhou Intermediate People’s Court sentenced him to 10 years and 6 months in prison, with a four-year deprivation of political rights. He is scheduled to be released on March 10, 2025. After his release, the Chinese Communist Party continued to persecute him, illegally cancelling his pension. In mainland China, all released members of the China Democracy Party, such as Zhu Yufu, Xu Wanping, and Chen Xi, have suffered similar persecution. We strongly urge the Chinese government to abide by and implement the principles and relevant provisions of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and to stop violating and persecuting the basic human rights of political dissidents!
黄华（原杭州市居民）
2026年1月3日

在法治社会，制定法律，建立权力制衡制度，保障人民监督权，目的是将权力这一猛兽关进牢笼，在充分发挥权力服务于社会的同时，有效防止滥用权力，确保这猛兽不能伤害民众的自由和权利。

把权力比作猛兽，把法律、制度和人民的监督权比作笼子的说法，早在2004年10月10日，美国总统布什在讨论国家安全与权力时，使用了“Power is a formidable, awesome beast”（权力是可怕、令人敬畏的野兽），在他随后的一次演讲中，更为精彩：“人类千万年的历史，最为珍贵的不是令人炫目的科技，不是浩瀚的大师们的经典著作，不是政客们天花乱坠的演讲，而是实现了对统治者的驯服，实现了把他们关进笼子里的梦想。因为只有驯服了他们，把他们关起来，才不会害人。我现在就站在笼子里向你们讲话。”

2013年1月22日，刚履新职不久的中共中央习近平总书记在第十八届中央纪律检查委员会第二次全体会议上有关反腐的讲话中，也提出要“把权力关进笼子”，随后的十几年来，无论习的讲话还是其他官方文件，“把权力关进笼子”一直在反复强调。实际效果如何呢？官方宣传与民间舆论众说纷纭，对我自己而言，亲身遭遇的感触与思考，才是最为深切的。

2025年12月25日上午9点刚过，我接到0571-87882793电话，电话那头是12月17日我在香积寺路58号拱墅区政务服务中心办理退休手续时，接待我的105室工作人员陈明朋，说他才知道我在12月4日已经向大关街道提交了办理退休的申请，而且他现在也已收到了我向杭州市拱墅区人力资源和社会保障局提出《政府信息公开申请书》，说我所要的材料已经准备好，他让我过去拿。我答应马上过去，在上午10点不到就赶到了他那里，拿了几份材料，其中有一份盖着“杭州市拱墅区社会保险管理服务中心”印章的《告知书》，一份制作日期是二〇一〇年九月三十日的《浙江省人力资源和社会保障厅文件-浙人社函[2010]358号-关于被判处有期徒刑人员基本养老保险有关问题的复函（此件依申请公开）》等。

看了这些材料，我既失望，又高兴。失望的是，《告知书》明确以“不符合政策”的原因，否定了我社保缴费24年4个月已经超出15年最低缴费要求可以领养老金的申请，只确认我“合法有效的职工基本养老保险实际缴费年限为9年10月”，看来我要现在就领养老金，难！高兴的是，《告知书》所依据的法律及政策明显适用不当或效力不足，为我接下来的维权铺开了伸展的余地。

本案的事实是，我陈树庆、家属、工作或社保挂靠的单位为我缴纳社会保险，从未遇到服刑期间不能缴费的明确告知，甚至2025年3月10日我最后一次刑满释放后，到拱墅区社保经办机构几次补缴中间断交的最近几年（包括部分刑期内的期间）社保费用也都顺利完成。社保经办机构在收取保险缴费的时候顺顺利利，现在要其履行保险责任的时候，突然变卦，以所谓“相关政策”为托词，拒不履行其应负的社会保险责任。由此可见，本案的争议焦点，首先集中在具体行政行为中，民众对于政府的信赖利益能否得到保护，说的通俗一点，就是政府是否可以随意违约？

不难发现，近几十年来，政府违约的案例屡屡见诸于舆论。如果政府可以随意违约，显然会让民众面对政府不能预期、无所适从，担心政府的权力会像野兽吞噬自己的权利。虽然每一个案子政府方对于自己“言而无信，约而不守”总是有一定的“理由”来说辞，但其“理由”必须经得起严格的法律限制，本案杭州市拱墅区社会保险经办机构拒绝为陈树庆现在办理领取养老金资格，所依托的“相关政策”是否也站得住脚呢？本文不妨展开初步的分析如下：

本案的法律关系由两项事实构成，第一项是缴纳社保，其中包括服刑期间缴纳的是否有效？陈树庆、就业单位等是缴费义务人，政府（社保经办机构和财税机构）是收费权力人；第二项是到了法定年龄领取养老金，陈树庆变成了领取权利人（受益人），政府变成了社会保险支付的义务人。该行为由于社会保险经办机构根据法定授权履行政府的社会保险管理与服务职责，既有具体行政行为的性质，又由于该行为的整个过程由民事主体陈树庆一方和行政主体社保经办机构一方共同完成，类似于民事法律行为的“合同”。如果社保经办机构主张第一项事实陈树庆一方缴纳10年6个月刑期间的社会保险无效成立，那么本案《告知书》上认为陈树庆只剩下9年10个月的有效缴费期也是确立的；如果陈树庆认为己方缴纳社保包括刑期内的都有效，本案《告知书》认定就是错误的，代表政府方的杭州市拱墅区社会保险管理服务中心应该立即替陈树庆办好退休手续并按时发放法定与约定的养老金。

现代法治社会是“对政府法无授权不可为，对民众是法无禁止即自由”，如果主张作为民众陈树庆一方缴纳刑期内社会保险费的行为无效，就必须指出其“法”之所“禁”。对此《中华人民共和国民法典》对于民事法律行为的效力问题，就有类似的规定，在《民法典》第一编“总则”的第六章第三节第一百五十三条规定“违反法律、行政法规的强制性规定的民事法律行为无效。……违背公序良俗的民事法律行为无效”，将“违反法律、行政法规的强制性规定”或“违背公序良俗”的事实作为“无效”前提。

从杭州市拱墅区社会保险管理服务中心提供的《告知书》中可见，其推翻约定拒不履行对陈树庆的社会保险责任的理由是：根据《中华人民共和国劳动法》第二条第一款“在中华人民共和国境内的企业、个体经济组织（以下统称用人单位）和与之形成劳动关系的劳动者，适用本法”、第七十二条“用人单位和劳动者必须依法参加社会保险，缴纳社会保险费”，《中华人民共和国社会保险法》第十条第一款、第二款“职工应当参加基本养老保险，由用人单位和职工共同缴纳基本养老保险费。无雇工的个体工商户、未在用人单位参加基本养老保险的非全日制从业人员以及其他灵活就业人员可以参加基本养老保险，由个人缴纳基本养老保险费”，《浙江省人力资源和社会保障厅关于被判处有期徒刑人员基本养老保险有关问题的复函》（浙人社函[2010]358号）等规定服刑人员在服刑期间不属于职工基本养老保险参保对象，服刑期间参保属于违规参保缴费，该期间缴纳的职工基本养老保险应当清退。

显而易见，上述《劳动法》和《社会保险法》包括《浙江省职工基本养老保险条例》里的规定，是要求用人单位和劳动者去缴纳社会保险费，立法目的是保障从业人员的社会保险权利，里面并没有“服刑人员不能参加社会保险”的强制性规定；至于浙人社函[2010]358号《复函》，是（此件依申请公开），根据法律未经公布不生效的原则，“依申请公开”不能等同于“公布”，没有对抗不知情相对人的任何效力；《复函》做出日期是“二〇一〇年九月三十日”、印发日期是2010年10月9日，对我在2010年9月13日已经结束的第一次服刑四年期间缴费显然没有追溯效果；更何况《复函》不具备《中华人民共和国立法法》中有关法律、行政法规、地方性法规、自治条例和单行条例、规章的级别和效果，属于无立法权的政府部门替自己“既当运动员，又当裁判员”制定的“比赛规则”，里面所指的“服刑人员不能参加社会保险”明显属于2018年2月8日施行的《最高人民法院关于适用〈中华人民共和国行政诉讼法〉的解释》99 条将典型的关于行政主体“重大且明显违法”的情形之“第二，减损权利或增加义务的行政行为没有法律依据。”，所以也不能作为政府自己违约的依据。

陈树庆认为自已经到了法定年龄享受退休的资格与待遇，除了前述实际已缴费的年限及对政府信赖利益保护原则以外，没有任一现行法律的条款明确规定服刑人员在服刑期间不得享有社会保险。而在对陈树庆的两次判刑的判决书中，判决了剥夺一定期限的人身自由与政治权利，并没有判决剥夺社会经济权利当然包括享有社会保险的权利。根据中华人民共和国政府1997年10月27日签署、全国人民代表大会常务委员会2001年2月28日批准的已经具备法律效力的《经济、社会及文化权利国际公约》“第九条：本盟约缔约国确认人人享有社会保障，包括社会保险”的规定，陈树庆并不因为其服刑就成了“人人”之外，应该享有社会保险。

    更何况，本案如果进一步展开下去，还牵涉到中国监狱普遍的对犯人强制无偿劳动的问题。本案原告陈树庆第一次坐牢期间自2008年1月至2010年9月共计2年零8个月在浙江省乔司监狱六分监狱七监区参与生产外贸箱包3个月及伙房菜班组进行菜肴初加工2年5个月；第二次坐牢期间自2017年1月至2025年3月共计8年2个月在浙江省乔司监狱三分监狱六监区参与生产外贸箱包3个月及伙房面食组烧制犯人主食7年11个月。两次坐牢期间不算第一次坐牢看守所里的零星劳动，实际参加监狱劳动累计10年10个月，所以，根据早在1948年12月10日联合国大会通过的《世界人权宣言》第四条“任何人不得使为奴隶或奴役，一切形式的奴隶制度和奴隶买卖，均应禁止”；第二十二条“每个人，作为社会的一员，有享有社会保障，并有权享有他的个人尊严和人格的自由发展所必须的经济、社会和文化方面各种权利的实现，……”；第二十三条第（二）款“人人有同工同酬之权利，不容任何区别”。中华人民共和国政府1998年10月5日签署的《公民权利及政治权利国际公约》也有“任何人不得使充奴工”的相关规定。按照这些国际法的要求，即使监狱犯人依法判决并以改造为目标的服“苦役”，也应与《中华人民共和国劳动法》相应的同工同酬及社会保险接轨。如果作为联合国常任理事国的我国政府能够遵守这些宣言与公约，将我服刑期间参加劳动应有的劳动报酬与社会保障予以考量和贯彻，即使我自己及亲朋好友工作单位替我服刑期间的缴费不算，也够15年以上办理退休的资格与相关手续。

当然，政府遵守已经签署、甚至有的已经批准的《国际公约》，不仅是法治社会依法行政的要求，也是一个文明社会起码得“公序良俗”。

综上，无论是《浙江省人力资源和社会保障厅关于被判处有期徒刑人员基本养老保险有关问题的复函》的抽象行政行为，还是杭州市拱墅区社会保险管理服务中心处理陈树庆退休事宜的具体行政行为，为了让行政主体可以“约而不守”，对自己的权力做出了超出法律规定的扩张性理解，对民众的权利做出了法律规定以外的压缩性诠释，法律在他们眼里于己于人双重标准，成了权力随意拿捏、对别人可紧、对自己可松的橡皮筋，而非可以将权力关进笼子的刚性标准。

好在《最高人民法院关于适用〈中华人民共和国行政诉讼法〉的解释》99 条将行政主体“减损（行政相对人）权利或增加（行政相对人）义务的行政行为”认定为“没有法律依据”。接下来，我不妨探究司法这一权力制衡的“笼子”，在实践中是否足够刚性与坚硬，能不能关住行政权力这一“猛兽”，拭目以待！

2026年1月2日 完稿于中国杭州 陈树庆

附：

一、盖着“杭州市拱墅区社会保险管理服务中心”印章的《告知书》；

二、《浙江省人力资源和社会保障厅文件》浙人社函[2010]358号。

Can a Cage Made of Rubber Bands Hold Back the Ferocious Beast of Power?

Chen Shuqing

22 December 2025

In a law-based society, laws are made, systems of checks and balances on power are established, and the people’s right to supervise is guaranteed, all with one aim: to lock the ferocious beast of power inside a cage. This is to ensure that while power can fully serve society, its abuse is effectively prevented, so that this beast cannot injure the freedom and rights of the people.

The metaphor of power as a ferocious beast, and of laws, institutions and the people’s supervisory power as a cage, appeared as early as more than two thousand years ago in the Records of the Grand Historian (Shiji), in the “Biography of Li Si” and the “Annals of the First Emperor of Qin”, in the story of “taking officials as teachers” (yi li wei shi). It describes how government work, carried out mainly by state officials, should serve as an example to the whole of society, whether in terms of social morality or in the enforcement of national laws. The most basic requirement is that “without trust, nothing stands”. In today’s terms, the government must have public credibility, especially in dealing with the various daily affairs of ordinary people, and must uphold the principle of protecting the legitimate expectations of citizens who place their trust in it.

Social pension insurance, as the core component of the social security system, not only concerns the vital interests of hundreds of millions of citizens, but also directly affects the government’s reputation and authority in the eyes of the public. As the designer, implementer and ultimate bearer of responsibility for the social pension insurance system, the government’s policy continuity, the transparency of its implementation, and the extent to which it honours its commitments all deeply influence the degree of public trust in the system, and thus constitute an important cornerstone of governmental credibility.

When the government is able, through sound institutional design, to ensure the sound operation of pension insurance funds, to protect the legitimate rights and interests of insured persons through fair benefit-adjustment mechanisms, and to use open information channels so that the public clearly understands policy content and the flow of funds, citizens will naturally form a positive assessment of the government’s governance capacity and sense of responsibility. This perception transforms into trust in the government, helping society generate reliable expectations and a good social order.

By contrast, if pension insurance policies change from one day to the next; if, in the course of implementation, officials rely on the vague excuse of “according to relevant policies” to go back on their word and fail to honour agreements; or if there are loopholes in fund management that cast doubt on the fund’s ability to pay, then public trust in the government will be shaken. This in turn will give rise to widespread doubt about public policy. From the daily lives of the people to society’s stability and development at large, all will lose their reliable foundations. What is termed the collapse of rites and music, the decline of the legal system and the sense that matters are beyond remedy often germinates and spreads from this very point.

Thus, there is a tightly interlinked, positive interactive relationship between the effective operation of the social pension insurance system and the building of governmental credibility. The improvement of the former is an important way to enhance the latter, while the solidness of the latter provides a fundamental guarantee for the sustainable development of the former.

In this article, the author, Chen Shuqing, will, on the basis of his own experience defending his rights in the course of handling his social pension insurance, tear away, first of all, one layer of the veil covering the issue of governmental credibility:

Application for the Disclosure of Government Information

To: Gongshu District Human Resources and Social Security Bureau, Hangzhou

Applicant: Chen Shuqing, male, resident of Hangzhou City, Zhejiang Province.

Current address: Room 202, Unit 5, Building 6, Daguan Yuan East Fifth Estate, Gongshu District, Hangzhou City.

ID number: 330106196509260073.

Contact number: 15958160478.

As of 17 December 2025, the applicant, Chen Shuqing, has reached the statutory retirement age of 60 years plus 3 months, and has in fact paid into the pooled social insurance system for 24 years and 4 months, exceeding the minimum contribution period of 15 years. At around 9 a.m. on 17 December 2025, the applicant went to your Bureau’s office (Gongshu District Human Resources and Social Security Bureau) located in the Gongshu District Government Service Centre on Xiangjisi Road to handle retirement procedures. The staff member, however, on the grounds that the applicant had previously been sentenced in 2007 to four years’ imprisonment for “inciting subversion of state power” and in 2016 to ten years and six months’ imprisonment for “subversion of state power”, deducted from his contribution years the total length of these two sentences, and concluded that his remaining contribution period was only a little over nine years, short of the minimum 15 years’ contribution required. They refused to process the applicant’s retirement eligibility, and merely insisted that the applicant first apply for a refund of the social insurance contributions paid during his time in prison.

This has led the applicant to harbour two doubts, and to submit two corresponding requests for the disclosure of government information, as follows:

I. For over twenty years, the applicant, the applicant’s family members, and the work units or entities with which his social insurance was registered have paid social insurance contributions on his behalf. At no point was there any clear notice that contributions could not be made during periods of imprisonment. Even after the applicant’s most recent release from prison on 10 March 2025, when he went on several occasions to your Bureau’s office at 58 Xiangjisi East Road, Gongshu District Government Service Centre, to make back payments of contributions for the most recent years of interrupted coverage (including some periods falling within his prison term), these social insurance payments were all processed smoothly. Your Bureau had no problem collecting these insurance contributions at the time; yet now, when your Bureau is required to fulfil its insurance obligations, it suddenly changes its stance, using so-called “relevant policies” as a pretext to refuse to bear its due social insurance responsibilities towards the applicant. This has led the applicant to doubt whether the government is upholding the principle of protecting the legitimate expectations of citizens who place their trust in it.

Therefore, the first matter on which the applicant requests the disclosure of government information is as follows:

the specific legal (including policy) basis for invalidating and refunding periods of social insurance contributions already paid during imprisonment, including the exact names of the relevant laws (and/or policies) and the relevant articles and clauses. Of course, it would be even better if the contents of these laws (and/or policies) could be clearly set out in the written reply.

II. The staff of your Bureau at the Government Service Centre asked the applicant first to apply for a refund, and verbally promised that only after the refund had been completed could the other work of examining the applicant’s retirement eligibility and entitlements continue. The applicant considers that once the social insurance contributions paid during his prison term have been refunded, the remaining period of contributions will be far short of the minimum 15 years required to qualify for retirement. At that point, not only will the applicant be unable to retire now, but he will also have no way of being certain about his future real economic burden or having any assurance regarding the ultimate outcome of his social pension insurance.

Therefore, the second matter on which the applicant requests the disclosure of government information is as follows:

1. The specific refund procedures, including the different contribution periods determined according to the identity of the contributor, and the exact refund amounts (or the content of refunds and calculation standards) for each contribution period;
2. The detailed follow-up procedures and projected outcomes after the completion of the refund process. Again, it would be preferable if the relevant legal (and/or policy) provisions and their content on which these are based could be clearly indicated.

The applicant earnestly requests that your Bureau provide a specific and clear written reply to this Application for the Disclosure of Government Information, and asks that you not again send staff to respond vaguely with phrases such as “in accordance with relevant policies”, nor provide any oral “consultations” or “suggestions” from which you may later deny responsibility or refuse to acknowledge what has been said.

Attachments:

1. Photocopy of the applicant Chen Shuqing’s identity card (front and back);
2. Gongshu District Government Information Disclosure Application Form.

2025年12月28下午，伦敦街头寒风刺骨，灰蒙蒙的天空低垂压抑。在中国驻伦敦大使馆门前，众多中国民主党人士齐聚一起，为一位即将迎来78岁生日的中国海外民主运动先驱——王炳章博士，高声呐喊，呼吁中共政府立即释放他。

刺骨的严寒非但未能阻挡我们的步伐，反而让人们更深刻地感受到自由的可贵，以及丧失自由的残酷。王炳章博士作为中国海外民主运动的开创者，早年放弃医学事业，创办《中国之春》杂志，并参与创建多个民主组织，长年致力于推动中国的人权、民主与法治，却因此遭受中共当局的严厉迫害。2002年，他在越南被绑架回国，随后被判无期徒刑，至今已在监狱中饱受单独关押的折磨，与家人和外界彻底隔绝。他的遭遇是当局对思想自由和良知的公然践踏。

站在大使馆前，我们高举标语，齐声呼喊“释放王炳章”，声音在寒风中回荡。这是正义的呐喊，是对基本人权的坚定捍卫。我们特意选择在他生日即将来临之际举行行动，致敬他为中国民主运动所作的巨大贡献。在寒风中为身陷囹圄的王炳章博士加油鼓劲，同时提醒世人：在普天同庆生命的时刻，有人却被剥夺了最基本的尊严与自由。

王炳章博士的名字，象征着一代中国民主人士的不屈精神。他以学者的理性与行动者的勇气，推动社会进步，却为此付出沉重代价。长期单独关押、恶劣的监狱环境以及缺乏公正的司法程序，构成对其人权的严重侵犯。我们深信，言论、集会与抗议本身就是力量的体现，我们的声音足以让中共当局感到畏惧。
我们在伦敦发声，不仅仅为一人，而是为普世价值而战。人权无国界，自由不应被政治牢笼所囚禁。我们强烈要求中共当局立即停止对王炳章博士的迫害，无条件释放他，让他重获自由，与家人团聚。

寒夜终将过去，正义不应被拖延。愿今日的呐喊化作持久的回响，愿更多人加入关注与行动的行列。直到王炳章博士真正走出牢笼，直到自由不再是遥远的口号，而是活生生的现实。

中国民主党英国总部总部组织信息
活动总指挥：卢灵飞

副指挥： 王魏晋 范可为

党部参加活动人员名单：
卢灵飞 王魏晋 范可为 许少男 俞杰辉 吴志芬 丁晨光 吴小海 王世渠 谢清怡 王海鸥 杨沁龙 李滔 W i l son Joy

Protest Outside the Chinese Embassy in London: “Free Dr. Wang Bingzhang Now”

On the afternoon of December 28, 2025, London was gripped by biting winds and a heavy, grey sky that pressed down with a sense of gloom. In front of the Chinese Embassy in London, many members of the China Democracy Party gathered to raise their voices for Dr. Wang Bingzhang, a pioneering figure of the overseas Chinese pro-democracy movement who is about to turn 78. They chanted loudly and called on the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) government to release him immediately.

The freezing cold did not slow our steps. If anything, it made us feel more sharply how precious freedom is—and how cruel its loss can be. As a founder of the overseas Chinese democratic movement, Dr. Wang Bingzhang gave up a promising medical career early on, established the journal China Spring, and helped create multiple democratic organizations. For decades he devoted himself to advancing human rights, democracy, and the rule of law in China—only to face ruthless persecution by the CCP authorities as a result. In 2002, he was abducted in Vietnam and forcibly taken back to China, later sentenced to life imprisonment. To this day, he has endured the torment of solitary confinement, completely cut off from his family and the outside world. His case is a blatant trampling of freedom of thought and conscience.

Standing outside the embassy, we held up placards and chanted in unison, “Free Wang Bingzhang.” Our voices echoed through the cold wind. This was a cry for justice and a firm defense of basic human rights. We deliberately chose to act as his birthday approaches, to honor his immense contribution to China’s democratic movement. In the freezing air, we sought to encourage Dr. Wang Bingzhang, who remains behind bars, and to remind the world: at a time when people celebrate life, someone is being deprived of the most fundamental dignity and freedom.

Dr. Wang Bingzhang’s name symbolizes the unyielding spirit of a generation of Chinese democrats. With a scholar’s rationality and an activist’s courage, he pushed society toward progress—and paid a heavy price. Prolonged solitary confinement, harsh prison conditions, and the lack of due process constitute grave violations of his human rights. We firmly believe that speech, assembly, and protest are themselves forms of power, and that our voices are strong enough to make the CCP authorities uneasy.

We speak out in London not only for one person, but for universal values. Human rights know no borders, and freedom should not be imprisoned behind political bars. We demand that the CCP authorities immediately stop persecuting Dr. Wang Bingzhang, unconditionally release him, and allow him to regain his freedom and reunite with his family.

The long, cold night will pass. Justice should not be delayed. May today’s chants become an enduring echo, and may more people join the growing circle of attention and action—until Dr. Wang Bingzhang walks out of prison, and until freedom is no longer a distant slogan, but a living reality.

China Democracy Party — UK Headquarters: Organizing Information

Event Commander-in-Chief: Lu Lingfei

Deputy Commanders: Wang Weijin; Fan Kewei

Participants from the Party Branch:

Lu Lingfei; Wang Weijin; Fan Kewei; Xu Shaonan; Yu Jiehui; Wu Zhifen; Ding Chenguang; Wu Xiaohai; Wang Shiqu; Xie Qingyi; Wang Haiou; Yang Qinlong; Li Tao; Wilson; Joy

2025年12月22日

早在两千多年前，《史记·李斯列传》与《史记·秦始皇本纪》就记载了“以吏为师”的典故，讲的是以政府工作人员为主体的政府工作，无论是社会道德，还是执行国家的法令，应做全社会的表率，其中最基本的，就是“无信不立”！按照现在的说法，政府要有公信力，尤其在处理老百姓的各种日常事务中，应确保民众对政府信赖利益的保障原则。

社会养老保险作为社会保障体系的核心组成部分，不仅关系到亿万民众的切身利益，更直接关联着政府在公众心中的信誉与权威。政府作为社会养老保险制度的设计者、推行者和最终责任承担者，其政策的连续性、执行的透明度以及承诺的兑现程度，都深刻影响着民众对制度的信任度，进而构成政府公信力的重要基石。

当政府能够通过完善的制度设计确保养老保险基金的稳健运行，通过公平的待遇调整机制保障参保人员的合理权益，通过畅通的信息渠道让公众清晰了解政策内容与资金流向时，民众便会对政府的治理能力和责任担当产生积极认知，这种认知转化为对政府的信任，促使社会形成可靠的预期和良好的秩序。反之，若养老保险政策朝令夕改、执行过程中官吏们凭借“根据相关政策”的一句笼统托词，可以言而无信、约而不守，或基金管理存在漏洞导致支付能力受质疑，公众对政府的信任便会受到冲击，引发对公共政策的普遍疑虑，小到民众的生活，大到社会的稳定与发展就失去指望，所谓的礼崩乐坏、法制颓废和无可救药了，往往从此得以萌生与蔓延。

因此，社会养老保险制度的有效运行与政府公信力的建设之间存在着密不可分的正向互动关系，前者的完善是后者提升的重要途径，而后者的坚实则为前者的可持续发展提供了根本保障。本文作者陈树庆，就自己在办理社会养老保险时所遭遇的情况进行维权，不妨就政府公信力这个问题，首先撕开一层面纱：

《政府信息公开申请书》

杭州市拱墅区人力资源和社会保障局：

申请人陈树庆，男，浙江省杭州市人，现住杭州市拱墅区大关苑东五苑6幢5单元202室，身份证号330106196509260073，联系电话15958160478。

至2025年12月17日，申请人陈树庆已达法定退休年龄60周岁+3个月，实际已缴社会保险统筹24年4个月，超过了15年的最低缴费年限。2025年12月17日上午9时许，申请人到贵局（拱墅区人社局）设在拱墅区政务服务中心的办公场所办理退休手续，办事人员以陈树庆曾经因遭2007年“煽动颠覆国家政权罪”判刑4年和2016年“颠覆国家政权罪”判刑10年6个月为由，社保缴费年限扣除两项刑期累加，剩余缴费年限只有九年多，不足最低缴费年限15年的规定，拒不办理申请人的退休资格，只是一味要求申请人对服刑期间已交的社会保险先行退费。

由此，申请人产生两项疑惑并提出相应的两项政府信息公开事项：

一、20多年来，申请人、申请人家属、申请人工作或社保挂靠的单位替申请人缴纳社会保险，从未遇到服刑期间不能缴费的明确告知，甚至2025年3月10日申请人最后一次刑满释放后，到贵局设在拱墅区香积寺东路58号的政务服务中心几次补缴中间断交的最近几年（这其中就包括部分刑期内的期间）社保费用也都顺利完成。贵局在收取保险缴费的时候好好的，现在要贵局履行保险责任的时候，突然变卦，以所谓“相关政策”为托词，拒不履行贵局应负的社会保险责任，让申请人对政府信赖利益的保护原则顿生疑惑。为此，申请人提出的第一项要求政府信息公开事项是：服刑期间已经缴纳社保的期限无效并退回缴费的具体法律（包括政策）依据，包括法律（政策）的具体名称，第几条第几款。当然，答复函中对这些法律（政策）的内容予以清晰载明，则更好。

二、贵局在政务服务中心的工作人员让申请人先退费，口头答应退费后才能续办申请人退休资格和待遇的其他审定工作，申请人认为，退完刑期内的已缴费社保费用，剩余期限已远远不足办理退休的最低缴费年限15年的规定，届时申请人不仅现在办不了退休，连接下来的现实经济负担和最终养老社会保险结果也是无从确信和依托。为此，申请人提出的第二项要求政府信息公开事项是：1、具体退费流程，根据缴费人不同而确定的不同缴费时段，各时段具体退费数额（或退费内容与计算标准）；2、退费完毕后的详细善后流程与结果预判，同时注明所依据的法律（政策）的条款及内容则更好。

本《政府信息公开申请书》恳请贵局以书面的形式具体明确答复，请求不要再派员含糊其辞的“根据相关政策”及可以不认账、不负责任的任何口头“咨询”或“建议”。

申请人：陈树庆
申请日期： 2025年12月 21 日

附件1：申请人陈树庆身份证复印件(包含正反两面)
2：拱墅区政府信息公开申请表
注：本《政府信息公开申请书》已于2025年12月21日寄发拱墅区人力资源和社会保障局。

Chen Shuqing: Social Pension Insurance and Government Credibility

22 December 2025

As early as more than two thousand years ago, the Records of the Grand Historian (Shiji), in the “Biography of Li Si” and “Annals of the First Emperor of Qin”, recorded the saying “taking officials as teachers” (yi li wei shi). It described how government work, carried out mainly by state officials, should serve as an example to the whole of society, whether in terms of social morality or in the enforcement of state laws. The most basic requirement is that “without trust, nothing stands”. In today’s terms, the government must possess public credibility, especially when handling the various everyday affairs of ordinary people, and must uphold the principle of protecting the legitimate expectations of citizens who place their trust in it.

As a core component of the social security system, social pension insurance not only concerns the vital interests of hundreds of millions of citizens, but also directly relates to the government’s credibility and authority in the eyes of the public. As the designer, implementer and ultimately responsible body for the social pension insurance system, the continuity of government policy, the transparency of its implementation, and the extent to which its promises are honoured all profoundly affect the level of public trust in the system, and thus form an important foundation of governmental credibility.

When the government is able, through sound institutional design, to ensure the steady operation of pension insurance funds, to protect the reasonable rights and interests of contributors through fair mechanisms for adjusting benefits, and to make full use of clear information channels so that the public can understand policy details and the flow of funds, citizens will develop a positive view of the government’s capacity to govern and its sense of responsibility. This perception is transformed into trust in the government, helping society to form stable expectations and a healthy order. Conversely, if pension insurance policies change at the drop of a hat; if, in the course of implementation, officials can go back on their word and fail to honour agreements, brushing things aside with the vague phrase “in accordance with relevant policies”; or if there are loopholes in the management of the fund which cast doubt on its ability to meet its obligations, then public trust in the government will inevitably be shaken. This will trigger widespread doubts about public policy, and the consequences will range from undermining people’s daily lives to undermining social stability and development as a whole. A breakdown in social norms, the decline of the rule of law and a sense that matters are beyond remedy often begin and spread in just such a fashion.

Therefore, there is a closely interlinked, positive interaction between the effective operation of the social pension insurance system and the building of governmental credibility. The improvement of the former is an important way to enhance the latter, while the solidity of the latter provides the fundamental guarantee for the sustainable development of the former.

In this article, the author, Chen Shuqing, describes how he defended his rights in the face of the situation he encountered while handling his social pension insurance, and in doing so lifts, to begin with, one corner of the veil over the question of government credibility:

Application for the Disclosure of Government Information

To: Gongshu District Human Resources and Social Security Bureau, Hangzhou

Applicant: Chen Shuqing, male, resident of Hangzhou, Zhejiang Province.

Current address: Room 202, Unit 5, Building 6, Daguan Garden East Fifth Court, Gongshu District, Hangzhou.

ID number: 330106196509260073

Contact telephone: 15958160478.

As of 17 December 2025, the applicant, Chen Shuqing, has reached the statutory retirement age of 60 years plus 3 months, and has actually paid into the pooled social insurance fund for 24 years and 4 months, exceeding the minimum contribution period of 15 years. At around 9 a.m. on 17 December 2025, the applicant went to your Bureau’s office (Gongshu District Human Resources and Social Security Bureau) located in the Gongshu District Government Service Centre to complete retirement procedures. The staff member, however, on the grounds that the applicant had once been sentenced to four years’ imprisonment in 2007 for “inciting subversion of state power” and to ten years and six months’ imprisonment in 2016 for “subversion of state power”, deducted from his contribution years the total length of those two prison terms. As a result, the remaining contribution years were calculated as only a little over nine years, falling short of the minimum required 15 years of contributions, and the staff member refused to process the applicant’s retirement eligibility. The applicant was repeatedly told that he must first apply for a refund of the social insurance contributions paid during his periods of imprisonment.

This has given rise to two areas of doubt on the part of the applicant, leading to two corresponding requests for the disclosure of government information, as set out below:

I. Over more than twenty years, the applicant, the applicant’s family members, and the work units or entities with which his social insurance was registered have paid social insurance contributions on his behalf. At no point was there any clear notification that contributions could not be made during periods of imprisonment. Even after the applicant’s most recent release on 10 March 2025, when he went several times to your Bureau’s office at No. 58 Xiangjisi East Road, Gongshu District Government Service Centre, to make back payments for the recent years in which contributions had been interrupted (including certain periods falling within his prison terms), all such payments were completed without hindrance. Your Bureau had no issue collecting these insurance contributions at the time; yet now, when your Bureau is called upon to fulfil its insurance obligations, it suddenly changes its position, using “relevant policies” as a pretext to refuse to honour its social insurance responsibilities towards the applicant. This causes the applicant to harbour serious doubts as to whether the government is upholding the principle of protecting the legitimate expectations of citizens who place their trust in it.

Accordingly, the first matter on which the applicant requests disclosure of government information is as follows:

the specific legal (including policy) basis for invalidating and refunding social insurance contributions already paid during periods of imprisonment, including the exact names of the relevant laws (or policies), and the relevant articles and clauses. Of course, it would be even better if the reply letter could set out the content of these laws (or policies) clearly and in full.

II. The staff of your Bureau at the Government Service Centre asked the applicant to apply for a refund first, verbally promising that only after the refund had been processed could they continue examining the applicant’s retirement eligibility and benefits. The applicant considers that, once the social insurance contributions paid during his prison terms have been refunded, the remaining contribution years will be far short of the minimum required 15 years, meaning that not only will he be unable to retire now, but he will have no way of being certain or having any guarantee regarding his future financial burden and the eventual outcome of his pension insurance.

Accordingly, the second matter on which the applicant requests disclosure of government information is as follows:

1. The specific refund procedures, including the different contribution periods determined by the differing identities of the payers, and the exact refund amounts for each contribution period (or the content of refunds and the calculation criteria);
2. The detailed follow-up procedures and projected outcomes after the completion of the refund process. It would again be preferable if the relevant articles and content of the laws (or policies) on which these are based could be clearly indicated.

Through this Application for the Disclosure of Government Information, the applicant earnestly requests your Bureau to provide a specific and clear written reply, and asks that you no longer send staff to give vague responses such as “in accordance with relevant policies”, nor offer any oral “consultations” or “suggestions” from which you may later refuse to accept responsibility or deny what has been said.

Applicant: Chen Shuqing

Date of application: 21 December 2025

Attachments:

1. Photocopy of applicant Chen Shuqing’s ID card (both front and back)
2. Gongshu District Government Information Disclosure Application Form

Note: This Application for the Disclosure of Government Information was sent to the Gongshu District Human Resources and Social Security Bureau on 21 December 2025.

隨著香港壹傳媒創辦人黎智英被控「串謀勾結外國勢力」等罪名裁定成立，海外民主力量的抗議浪潮再度升高。今日（12月22日）下午 2 點至 3 點，中國民主黨（China Democracy Party）曼城黨員冒著刺骨寒風，聚集於中國駐曼徹斯特總領事館前舉行抗議集會。示威者強烈譴責中共以法律為武器實施政治迫害，並高聲呼籲：「良心犯無罪，釋放黎智英！」

中領館前的正義怒吼：聲援被囚禁的自由靈魂

下午 2 時許，抗議人群在領事館門外拉開象征“中共惡魔”的橫幅，陣容嚴整。針對近日香港法院對黎智英案的定罪裁決，黨員們表達了強烈的憤慨。現年 78 歲的黎智英已遭長期囚禁超過 1,800 天，此次判決被外界視為香港新聞自由與法治徹底終結的標誌。

現場黨員輪流發言，強調黎智英案是不公義審判的典型。集會負責人周鳳雄指出：「黎智英先生所受的苦難，是全體追求自由之中國人的縮影。中共試圖通過關押一個老人來恐嚇整個民族，但自由的意志絕不會因此熄滅。」

真相觸動人心：曼城街頭的人權課

抗議活動引起了大量當地市民與路人的駐足圍觀。黨員們主動向詢問的路人發放傳單，並用英語講述黎智英受迫害的經過，以及中共如何為了鞏固其獨裁統治，不惜踐踏基本自由、剝奪民眾生存權利的種種罪行。

許多路人在了解真相後深受震動。一位當地居民感嘆道：「無法想像在 21 世紀，還有人因為創辦報紙而面臨終身監禁。」路人們流露出的同情，以及對獨裁政權殘暴行徑的痛恨，在曼徹斯特的街頭交織成一股強大的民意力量，顯示出普世價值跨越國界的共鳴。

抗爭到底：呼籲國際社會採取行動

集會發言人最後呼籲英國政府及國際社會，不應在暴政面前退縮，必須採取實際行動向北京施壓。中國民主黨表示，他們將持續在海外發聲，揭露中共的跨國壓迫與虛假宣傳。

下午 3 點，集會在一致的口號聲中圓滿結束。參與者紛紛表示，只要黎智英、鄒幸彤以及無數被非法關押的政治良心犯一日不獲自由，他們的抗爭就一日不會停歇。

中國民主黨英國總部組織信息
抗议活动組織者:周鳳雄
黨員參與名單:
楊體龢
钟淑琴
邬 勇
赵武
赵江霞

Rally of China Democracy Party Headquarters’ Manchester Party Members in Solidarity with Jimmy Lai and in Condemnation of CCP Tyranny

Following the conviction of Hong Kong Next Media founder Jimmy Lai on charges including “conspiracy to collude with foreign forces”, a new wave of protest has risen among pro-democracy forces overseas. Today (22 December), from 2 p.m. to 3 p.m., members of the China Democracy Party (CDP) in Manchester braved the biting cold to gather in front of the Consulate-General of the People’s Republic of China in Manchester for a protest rally. The demonstrators strongly condemned the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) for using the law as a weapon to carry out political persecution, and loudly called: “Prisoners of conscience are not criminals – free Jimmy Lai!”

Righteous anger in front of the Chinese Consulate: supporting an imprisoned soul of freedom

At around 2 p.m., protesters unfurled a banner symbolising the “CCP as a demon” outside the gate of the consulate, standing in firm formation. In response to the recent guilty verdict handed down by a Hong Kong court in Jimmy Lai’s case, party members expressed their deep outrage. Now 78 years old, Jimmy Lai has already been imprisoned for more than 1,800 days. This latest judgment has been widely seen as a sign of the complete end of press freedom and the rule of law in Hong Kong.

Party members took turns to speak on site, stressing that the Jimmy Lai case is a textbook example of an unjust trial. The rally’s lead organiser, Zhou Fengxiong, said: “The suffering endured by Mr Jimmy Lai is a reflection of all Chinese people who pursue freedom. The CCP is trying to terrify an entire nation by locking up one elderly man, but the will to freedom will never be extinguished.”

Truth that moves people: a human rights lesson on the streets of Manchester

The protest drew a large number of local residents and passers-by, who stopped to watch. Party members actively distributed leaflets to those who asked questions, and explained in English the details of the persecution of Jimmy Lai, as well as the various crimes committed by the CCP in trampling on basic freedoms and depriving people of their right to live, all in order to maintain its dictatorial rule.

Many passers-by were deeply shocked after learning the truth. One local resident remarked: “It’s unimaginable that in the 21st century, someone could face life imprisonment simply for founding a newspaper.” The sympathy shown by passers-by, along with their anger at the brutality of a dictatorship, together formed a powerful current of public opinion on the streets of Manchester, demonstrating the resonance of universal values across national borders.

Fighting to the end: calling on the international community to act

In their final speeches, speakers at the rally urged the UK Government and the international community not to retreat in the face of tyranny, but to take concrete action to increase pressure on Beijing. The China Democracy Party stated that it will continue to speak out overseas, exposing the CCP’s transnational repression and false propaganda.

At 3 p.m., the rally concluded amid united chants. Participants stated that as long as Jimmy Lai, Chow Hang-tung and countless other political prisoners and prisoners of conscience remain unlawfully detained, their struggle will not cease.

China Democracy Party UK Headquarters – organisational information
Protest organiser: Zhou Fengxiong

Participating party members:
Yang Tihe
Zhong Shuqin
Wu Yong
Zhao Wu
Zhao Jiangxia

【伦敦讯】2025年12月10日，值第77个 世界人权日 之际，来自旅英华人社群的多位民主人士与人权倡议者，于英国伦敦 中共驻伦敦大使馆 外举行公开集会示威，呼吁释放政治犯、保障言论自由与信仰自由，并要求追究系统性人权侵害责任。

本次集会由 中国民主党英国总部 组织，活动时间为当日下午1点30分至3点30分。示威者在使馆门前高举中英文标语，内容包括“释放政治犯”“保障基本人权”“言论自由”“信仰自由”“追究人权责任”等口号，现场秩序整体平稳，表达方式理性克制。

当日部分参与者转赴皇家铸币厂参加多团体联合人权集会

当日下午三点半使馆前集会结束后，部分仍高度关注人权议题的参与者，随后前往位于伦敦市中心的 皇家铸币厂，参加当晚六点举行的另一场世界人权日纪念集会。

该场晚间活动为多个人权组织联合举行的公开集会，参与方包括来自香港人权团体、西藏人权组织、内蒙古人权组织，以及其他关注中国与亚洲人权议题的民主与人权相关组织。各方在现场以不同语言发表演说，从多个族群与地区的角度，呼吁外界持续关注政治迫害、民族压迫与基本人权问题。

两场活动在时间、参与者与主题上形成呼应，体现了不同群体在世界人权日当天以各自方式共同发声、彼此支援的联动效应。

聚焦政治迫害与公民基本权利

多位参与者在使馆前现场轮流发言，围绕中国近年来持续收紧的言论环境、对异议人士与维权群体的打压、宗教信仰自由受限等议题展开陈述。发言者普遍指出，在“国家安全”与“稳定”名义之下，大量普通公民因表达不同意见、参与和平行动或从事独立思想传播而遭拘押、判刑，甚至长期失联。

现场一位发言者表示：“我们站在这里不是为了制造对立，而是为了提醒国际社会，在全球人权体系之下，中国仍有大量政治犯与良心犯被剥夺基本自由。”

海外华人持续发声，吁国际社会关注

在世界人权日这一具有象征意义的时间节点，示威者强调海外公民社会有责任持续发声，防止人权议题在国际舆论中被边缘化。有参与者指出，若国际社会在经贸与地缘政治压力下对人权问题选择性失明，最终受损的不仅是中国公民，也将冲击全球人权秩序本身。

中国民主党英国总部方面表示，本次活动的核心目标，是通过和平、公开、合法的方式，将中国境内真实的人权状况呈现在国际社会面前，促使相关机构与政府持续关注政治犯与系统性人权侵害问题。

活动指挥与参与人员名单

活动总指挥：
范可为

副总指挥：
卢灵飞
黄俊

活动参加党员：韦崇华，范可为，俞杰辉，吴志芬，张学美，钱越，林钟，陈忠文，周勇，谢清怡，卢灵飞，王海鸥，李涛，黄俊，徐伟华

此次伦敦两场集会，分别在中共驻伦敦大使馆前与皇家铸币厂举行，构成世界人权日当天旅英人权行动的重要组成部分。组织方表示，未来仍将通过合法、和平、持续的方式，推动国际社会对中国及相关地区人权状况的长期关注。

Human Rights Day Protest in London: Chinese Expatriates Rally Outside the Chinese Embassy Calling for the Release of Political Prisoners and the Protection of Fundamental Rights

[London] On 10 December 2025, the 77th International Human Rights Day, a number of democracy activists and human rights advocates from the Chinese expatriate community in the UK held a public protest outside the Chinese Embassy in London, calling for the release of political prisoners, the safeguarding of freedom of expression and freedom of belief, and demanding accountability for systematic human rights abuses.

The rally was organised by the China Democracy Party UK Headquarters and took place from 1:30 p.m. to 3:30 p.m. that afternoon. Protesters held up Chinese and English placards in front of the embassy, bearing slogans such as “Release Political Prisoners”, “Protect Fundamental Human Rights”, “Freedom of Expression”, “Freedom of Belief” and “Accountability for Human Rights Abuses”. The overall atmosphere on site remained orderly, and the forms of expression were measured and restrained.

Some participants later joined a multi-group human rights rally at the Royal Mint on Human Rights Day

After the conclusion of the rally in front of the embassy at 3:30 p.m., some participants who remained highly concerned about human rights issues went on to the Royal Mint in central London to attend another Human Rights Day commemoration rally held there at 6 p.m. that evening.

This evening event was a public rally jointly organised by multiple human rights groups. Participants included organisations from Hong Kong human rights groups, Tibetan human rights organisations, Inner Mongolian human rights organisations, as well as other democracy and human rights groups concerned with human rights issues in China and across Asia. Representatives of each group delivered speeches in different languages, calling attention from the outside world to political persecution, ethnic oppression and fundamental human rights issues from the perspectives of different communities and regions.

The two events echoed each other in terms of timing, participants and themes, reflecting a linkage effect in which different groups, in their own ways, spoke out and supported one another on International Human Rights Day.

Focusing on political persecution and basic civic rights

Several participants took turns speaking in front of the embassy, addressing issues such as the increasingly tightened environment for free expression in China in recent years, the crackdown on dissidents and rights defenders, and restrictions on freedom of religion. Speakers generally pointed out that, in the name of “national security” and “stability”, large numbers of ordinary citizens have been detained, sentenced or disappeared for expressing dissenting views, taking part in peaceful actions or engaging in the dissemination of independent ideas.

One speaker at the scene said: “We are not standing here to create confrontation, but to remind the international community that, within the global human rights framework, there are still large numbers of political prisoners and prisoners of conscience in China who are being deprived of their most basic freedoms.”

Overseas Chinese continue to speak out, urging international attention

On this symbolically significant day, protesters stressed that overseas civil society has a responsibility to continue speaking out, so as to prevent human rights issues from being pushed to the margins of international public discourse. Some participants pointed out that if the international community turns a blind eye to human rights issues under the pressure of economic and geopolitical interests, it is not only Chinese citizens who will suffer, but the global human rights order itself that will be undermined.

The China Democracy Party UK Headquarters stated that the core aim of this event was, through peaceful, open and lawful means, to present the real human rights situation in China to the international community, and to urge relevant institutions and governments to maintain attention on political prisoners and systematic human rights abuses.

Event commanders and list of participants

Chief Commander of the Event:

Fan Kewei

Deputy Commanders:

Lu Lingfei

Huang Jun

Participating party members: Wei Chonghua, Fan Kewei, Yu Jiehui, Wu Zhifen, Zhang Xuemei, Qian Yue, Lin Zhong, Chen Zhongwen, Zhou Yong, Xie Qingyi, Lu Lingfei, Wang Haiou, Li Tao, Huang Jun, Xu Weihua

These two rallies in London, held respectively in front of the Chinese Embassy and at the Royal Mint, formed an important part of the human rights actions undertaken by Chinese expatriates in the UK on International Human Rights Day. The organisers stated that they will continue, in a lawful, peaceful and sustained manner, to promote long-term international concern for the human rights situation in China and in related regions.

伦敦海德公园讯 — 2025年12月14日

英国时间约12：30时，中国民主党英国总部（China Democracy Party UK Headquarters）在伦敦海德公园“演讲者之角”（Speakers’ Corner）举行了以支持“自由与人权事业”为主题的街头募捐活动。此次活动在冬日寒风与湿润空气中展开，吸引了来自多国的参与者、路人围观者及多家媒体关注。

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一、活动背景与组织目的

中国民主党英国总部是一支海外政治组织，长期在伦敦倡议言论自由、民主治理与人权尊重等议题，其官网介绍指出组织致力于“在中国建立自由、公平、公正的人权公民社会”并积极传播民主理念。

此次活动主题围绕“刘晓波人权奖”募捐及支持全球民主倡议，旨在募集资金用于奖励在言论自由、民主推动及公民勇气领域做出贡献的个人或团体，同时提高公众对中国境内外民主与人权议题的关注。募捐信息被清晰摆放在展示台前，包括基金用途说明与接受捐款方式。

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二、现场活动概况与氛围

冬日公园里的讲台与声音

海德公园当天寒风凛冽，但“演讲者之角”作为自由言说的象征场地，早已聚集了一批坚定的志愿者和参与者。据主办方提供图文资料，志愿者们在树影摇曳、落叶飘零的环境中设置横幅、募捐箱，并数次向群众解释募捐目的与民主理念。

活动现场，组织者依次上台演讲，以中英双语介绍中国当前的政治与人权议题，讲述刘晓波等人权象征人物的故事，并鼓励现场听众思考“自由与发展之间的真正关系”。台下群众有人驻足倾听，有人低声交谈，也有路人举起手机现场录制。

路人反应的多样性

现场许多本是经过海德公园散步的市民对此活动表示好奇。有英国本地居民表示，该类街头活动与伦敦开放社会的传统契合，值得尊重：“这里是自由言论的角落，让人们有机会听到不同声音，这本身就是宝贵的。”也有游客在听取简短讲解后表示愿意捐出少量款项支持倡议。

不过，也有路人对活动内容表现出困惑与疏离，尤其是在涉及较深层中国国内政治话题时，有的现场听众摇头表示“不太理解”，希望有更多背景说明。此外，也有少数围观者批评此类活动“带有政治色彩”，认为街头募捐应更聚焦慈善而非政治主张。

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三、媒体视角与报道反响

英国本地媒体

据此前该组织在海德公园“演讲者之角”多次活动吸引媒体关注的经验，有英国媒体如 Artfact Magazine、The London Tribune、Euronews UK 等曾采访组织者并直播片段，捕捉现场对话与辩论场面。

这些报道通常从“言论自由与公民社会”的角度出发，呈现组织者如何与现场公众讨论民主与人权议题。例如，记者提问志愿者如何看待中国经济成就与人权状况之间的讨论，组织者理性回应并引发深思。

社交媒体镜头

现场画面在社交平台同步直播，不少观众在线上留言互动：“在伦敦看到中国人为了自由发声很令人动容”、“这里是不同声音交流的地方”，也有评论质疑募捐是否具有明确透明的资金监管机制等。主办方的社交账号在直播后发布现场图集与短评，与观众进一步互动。

国际声音与对比

虽然当日并未看到主流国际新闻机构发布独立现场报道，但相关民主倡议与人权议题近期持续引发讨论。例如，关于海外民主人士在英国遭遇骚扰与中国政府压力的报道近期引起英媒关注，强调在海外环境下民主活动者的安全与表达自由问题。

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四、募捐意义与后续影响

主办方在活动尾声强调，募捐不仅是筹资，更是“让被压制声音发声的机会”，希望通过英国这类开放环境，将中国境内外民主诉求带到世界关注之下。募捐所得将用于后续“人权奖”支持项目，以及更多公众教育与对话活动。

组织者还表示，这类活动将持续举办，让更多不同背景的人群有机会交流观点，共同探讨自由、法治与人权的普世价值。

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五、中国民主党英国总部组织信息

组织者

• 中国民主党英国总部街头活动总指挥：王魏晋
• 中国民主党英国总部活动副总指挥：胡晓

党员参与名单
• 王魏晋
• 胡晓
• 曾福
• 俞杰辉
• 吴志芬
• 谢清怡
• 戴超

China Democracy Party UK Headquarters Raises Funds in Hyde Park on 14 December for the Liu Xiaobo Human Rights Award

Hyde Park, London — 14 December 2025

At around 12:30 UK time on 14 December 2025, the China Democracy Party UK Headquarters held a street fundraising event at Speakers’ Corner in Hyde Park, London, under the theme of supporting “the cause of freedom and human rights”. The event took place amid the cold winter wind and damp air, attracting participants from multiple countries, onlookers and the attention of various media outlets.

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I. Background and aims of the event

The China Democracy Party UK Headquarters is an overseas political organisation which has long been advocating in London on issues such as freedom of speech, democratic governance and respect for human rights. Its official website states that the organisation is committed to “building a free, fair and just human rights-based civil society in China” and to actively promoting democratic ideas.

The theme of this event focused on fundraising for the “Liu Xiaobo Human Rights Award” and supporting global democracy initiatives. The aim was to raise funds to reward individuals or groups who have made contributions in the fields of freedom of expression, democratic progress and civic courage, while at the same time raising public awareness of democracy and human rights issues relating to China, both inside and outside the country. Clear information about the fundraising was displayed at the stand, including an explanation of how the funds would be used and the methods by which donations could be made.

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II. Overview and atmosphere of the event on site

A platform and voices in a winter park

Despite the biting wind in the park that day, Speakers’ Corner, as a symbolic venue for free expression, had already gathered a group of committed volunteers and participants. According to photos and materials provided by the organisers, volunteers set up banners and donation boxes among the swaying trees and falling leaves, and repeatedly explained to the public the purpose of the fundraising and the democratic ideas behind it.

At the scene, the organisers took turns to speak, using both Chinese and English to introduce current political and human rights issues in China, to tell the stories of Liu Xiaobo and other symbolic figures of human rights, and to encourage the audience to reflect on “the true relationship between freedom and development”. Among the crowd, some stopped to listen, some whispered to one another, and some passers-by held up their phones to record the event.

The diversity of reactions from passers-by

Many people who had originally just come to Hyde Park for a walk expressed curiosity about the event. Some local British residents commented that such street activities are in keeping with London’s tradition as an open society and deserve respect: “This is a corner for free speech, giving people a chance to hear different voices – that in itself is valuable.” Some tourists, after listening to a brief explanation, said they were willing to donate a small amount to support the initiative.

However, there were also passers-by who felt puzzled or distant in relation to the content of the event. In particular, when it came to more in-depth discussion of domestic politics in China, some in the audience shook their heads and said they “didn’t really understand” and hoped for more background information. In addition, a small number of onlookers criticised such events as being “politically tinged”, arguing that street fundraising should focus more on charity than on political advocacy.

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III. Media perspectives and reporting response

British media

Based on previous occasions when the organisation’s activities at Speakers’ Corner have attracted media attention, British outlets such as Artfact Magazine, The London Tribune and Euronews UK have interviewed the organisers and livestreamed segments, capturing scenes of on-site dialogue and debate.

These reports have generally approached matters from the perspective of “freedom of speech and civil society”, showing how organisers discuss democracy and human rights issues with members of the public. For example, journalists have asked volunteers how they view the debate between China’s economic achievements and its human rights situation, to which the organisers have responded in a reasoned way that has prompted deeper reflection.

Social media coverage

Footage from the event was broadcast live on social media platforms, where many online viewers left comments such as: “It’s very moving to see Chinese people speaking out for freedom in London,” and “This is a place for different voices to engage with each other.” There were also comments questioning whether the fundraising had a clear and transparent mechanism for monitoring the use of funds. After the livestream, the organisers’ social media accounts posted photo galleries and short commentaries from the event to further engage with the audience.

International voices and comparisons

Although no independent on-site reports from major international news organisations were seen on the day, related democratic initiatives and human rights issues have continued to feature in recent discussions. For example, reports about overseas democracy activists in the UK facing harassment and pressure from the Chinese government have recently drawn the attention of British media, highlighting the safety and freedom of expression concerns faced by democracy advocates abroad.

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IV. Significance of the fundraising and its subsequent impact

At the end of the event, the organisers stressed that fundraising is not only about collecting money, but also about “giving a voice to those who are being silenced”. They hope that by making use of open environments such as the UK, they can bring democratic demands from inside and outside China to the attention of the wider world. The funds raised will be used for subsequent projects in support of the Human Rights Award, as well as for further public education and dialogue activities.

The organisers also stated that such events will continue to be held, so that people from different backgrounds can have opportunities to exchange views and jointly explore the universal values of freedom, the rule of law and human rights.

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V. Organisational information of the China Democracy Party UK Headquarters

Organisers

• Chief Commander of Street Activities, China Democracy Party UK Headquarters: Wang Weijin

• Deputy Commander of Activities, China Democracy Party UK Headquarters: Hu Xiao

List of participating party members

• Wang Weijin

• Hu Xiao

• Zeng Fu

• Yu Jiehui

• Wu Zhifen

• Xie Qingyi

• Dai Chao

在世界人权日强烈谴责中共严重侵犯人权——呼吁国际社会共同支持自由西藏与自由香港
发布日期：2025年12月10日
地点：中华人民共和国驻奥克兰总领事馆前

在2025年世界人权日，中国民主党新西兰党部于中华人民共和国驻奥克兰总领事馆前举行严正集会，向国际社会庄严宣示：
中国共产党长期、系统、持续的反人类级别的人权迫害已经触犯国际准则、违背文明底线，必须受到全球民主国家的联合谴责与追责。

中国民主党新西兰党部负责人 冯飞（Fei Feng） 在集会上发表强硬声明，指出中共当局在西藏、香港及中国境内实施的政策，性质已不再是一般的压制，而是“对人权、自由与文明秩序的公然破坏”。
他表示：

“中共政权没有任何伦理基础可言，它以国家暴力对抗人民的基本权利，已成为全球人权体系的最大破坏者之一。”

一、强烈谴责中共在西藏实施的系统性压制

中共长期在西藏实施文化消灭、宗教管控、语言压制与高压军事统治，违反《联合国宪章》与《世界人权宣言》的基本精神。
中国民主党新西兰党部郑重指出：
西藏人民享有自决权，其文化与宗教自由不容任何形式的殖民式侵害。

二、强烈谴责中共对香港“高度自治”的彻底摧毁

中共以《国安法》为工具对香港实施政治清洗、大规模逮捕民主人士、关闭媒体、瓦解公民社会，其行为已严重违反《中英联合声明》以及国际承诺。
本党部严正声明：
香港人民追求自由与民主的权利不可剥夺，任何政治迫害都无法抹杀香港人的意志与尊严。

三、呼吁国际社会对中共人权暴行采取更明确、更强硬的立场

中国民主党新西兰党部呼吁新西兰政府及全球民主国家：
• 在外交与多边机制中持续揭露中共人权劣迹
• 对压迫者实施问责措施，包括定向制裁与外交追责
• 保护海外华人免受中共跨境压制、恐吓与统战渗透
• 与全球民主伙伴共同抵御中共对自由世界秩序的破坏

四、坚定支持自由西藏、自由香港，支持所有被中共迫害的群体

在现场集会中，参与者举起“Free Tibet（自由西藏）”、“Free Hong Kong（光复香港）”“End CCP Tyranny（终结中共暴政）”等标语，象征全球民主力量的共同立场。

中国民主党新西兰党部郑重宣布：

“只要中共持续迫害人权，我们就将持续发声。恐惧不应属于人民，而应属于独裁者。”

五、结语：自由不可阻挡，民主终将回到中国

在世界人权日这一天，我们与世界站在一起。
我们坚信：
没有任何暴政能够永恒，没有任何高墙能够阻挡人民追求自由、尊严与人权的脚步。

中国民主党新西兰党部将继续在国际舞台上推动人权议题，坚定地与所有受中共压迫的群体站在同一阵线

China Democracy Party New Zealand Branch – Press Release

Strong Condemnation of the Chinese Communist Party’s Grave Human Rights Violations on International Human Rights Day – Calling on the International Community to Jointly Support a Free Tibet and a Free Hong Kong

Date: 10 December 2025

Location: In front of the Consulate-General of the People’s Republic of China in Auckland

On International Human Rights Day 2025, the China Democracy Party New Zealand Branch held a solemn rally in front of the Consulate-General of the People’s Republic of China in Auckland, making a formal declaration to the international community:

the Chinese Communist Party’s long-term, systematic and continuous crimes against humanity in the field of human rights have already breached international norms and trampled on the basic bottom line of civilisation, and must be jointly condemned and held to account by democratic nations around the world.

At the rally, Fei Feng, Head of the China Democracy Party New Zealand Branch, delivered a strongly worded statement, pointing out that the policies implemented by the CCP authorities in Tibet, Hong Kong and across China are no longer ordinary forms of repression, but “an open assault on human rights, freedom and the civilised international order”.

He stated:

“The CCP regime has no ethical foundation whatsoever. It uses the violence of the state apparatus to crush the basic rights of the people and has become one of the most destructive forces within the global human rights system.”

I. Strong condemnation of the CCP’s systemic repression in Tibet

The CCP has, over many years, implemented cultural eradication, religious control, linguistic repression and high-pressure military rule in Tibet, in violation of the basic spirit of the UN Charter and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.

The China Democracy Party New Zealand Branch solemnly emphasises:

the Tibetan people enjoy the right to self-determination, and their cultural and religious freedoms must not be subjected to any form of colonial-style encroachment.

II. Strong condemnation of the CCP’s complete destruction of Hong Kong’s “high degree of autonomy”

By using the National Security Law as a tool, the CCP has carried out political purges in Hong Kong, arresting large numbers of pro-democracy figures, shutting down media outlets and dismantling civil society. These actions gravely violate the Sino–British Joint Declaration and China’s international commitments.

Our Branch solemnly declares:

the rights of the people of Hong Kong to pursue freedom and democracy are inalienable, and no political persecution can erase the will and dignity of Hongkongers.

III. Calling on the international community to take a clearer and tougher stance on the CCP’s human rights atrocities

The China Democracy Party New Zealand Branch calls on the New Zealand Government and democratic countries worldwide to:

• Continue to expose the CCP’s human rights abuses through diplomatic channels and multilateral mechanisms

• Impose accountability measures against perpetrators, including targeted sanctions and diplomatic consequences

• Protect overseas Chinese communities from the CCP’s transnational repression, intimidation and “united front” infiltration

• Work together with democratic partners globally to resist the CCP’s attempts to undermine the liberal international order

IV. Firm support for a Free Tibet and a Free Hong Kong, and for all groups persecuted by the CCP

At the rally, participants held signs such as “Free Tibet”, “Free Hong Kong” and “End CCP Tyranny”, symbolising the shared stance of democratic forces around the world.

The China Democracy Party New Zealand Branch solemnly declares:

“So long as the CCP continues to persecute human rights, we will continue to speak out. Fear should never belong to the people; it should belong to dictators.”

V. Conclusion: Freedom cannot be stopped; democracy will one day return to China

On this International Human Rights Day, we stand together with the rest of the world.

We firmly believe:

no tyranny can last forever, and no wall can ultimately block the people’s pursuit of freedom, dignity and human rights.

The China Democracy Party New Zealand Branch will continue to promote human rights issues on the international stage and stand firmly on the same front with all groups oppressed by the Chinese Communist Party.

和平：中国人不打中国人，无论是大陆的中华人民共和国之人，还是台湾的中华民国之人。兄弟间相嫌、相争、相害，只为外人的相乘、渔利创造了条件，为文明社会的世人所不耻。

         民主：民主是统一的政治大前提，只有民主的统一才是两岸人民的统一，是民心所向、民权保障、民利所益的文明统一，就像以前东西德的统一；专制的统一，只是统治者为满足自己野心的一统，除了让两岸人民去流血丧命，无关乎两岸人民的任何福祉。

         统一：统一是我们努力的目标，和平民主的统一有利于增扩两岸人民的自由、安全和发展空间。

         但在和平民主统一的条件成熟之前，维持现状最符合两岸人民的利益，既要防止废除中华民国的台独，也要禁止消灭中华民国的武统。大陆的中华人民共和国打压台湾的中华民国太狠，会逼迫台湾更多的人支持台独；台独活动太猛烈，会逼得大陆中共当局动武。

         当下该怎么办？

        从消极意义上讲，台海两岸，尤其是政府层面都要在日常的国内外政治活动中保持适度的克制，以免逼得对方铤而走险，让自己也没有回旋余地、没有退路；从积极意义上说，就是台海两岸政府与人民承认对方国体、政体现实，增强互谅互信，这方面强势的中国大陆尤其必须做出善意的表率。

             中国民主党关于《和平，民主，统一》，历史上有过多次这样的声明与表述，在两岸军备加剧、危机日显之际，我借此重申而已。我们也将一如既往为推动中国大陆实现民主法治、捍卫人权而努力，防止两岸发生战争悲剧，努力为和平民主统一创造条件。

                                                                                      陈树庆

                                                                            2025年11月25日

和平、民主、统一中国
　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　
———中国民主党全国筹委会紧急声明

最近，李登辉先生在多种场合宣称“特殊的国与国关系”，引发了台湾海峡高度紧张的气氛，大陆军队在东南沿海迅速集结，进行布防，加强了渡海作战的演习，战争一触即发。中国民主党各省筹委会成员怀着焦虑的
心情，关注着事态的发展，特发出如下紧急呼吁：

第一，中国民主党反对海峡两 岸一切中国人自相残杀的战争，用江泽民先生5月15日的话：“每个中国人的生命都是极其宝贵的，这是中国政府必须维护的最根本人权。”中国民主党认为：未经各种意见充分自由讨论后的全民公决，未经国会三分之二表决通过的授权，任何挑起与发动内战，造成两 岸人民生命与财产巨大损失的人，都将成为中华民族不可饶恕的历史罪人，会被中国人民及全世界爱好和平的人们彻底唾弃。

第二，孙中山先生及早期无数革命先烈共创的中华民国版图包含中国大陆和台湾，共产党领导的中华人民共和国版图也包含中国大陆和台湾，由于历史上国共两 党同室操戈造成了目前两岸骨肉分离，两个政府敌对的不幸状态，中国民主党在坚持一个中国的理念下，承认两岸政府都有历史与现实的合法性，敦促两岸当局保持克制与理性，尽早恢复汪辜会谈，加速两岸三通，促进和平、民主、统一。
　
第三，中国民主党是孙中山先生“三民主义”的忠实继承人，并在新的历史时期，用和平理性的方式使之发扬光大；中国国民党由孙中山先生亲手缔造；中国共产党也曾认为自己是“三民主义”的继承人；民主进步党
为台湾的民主化进程作出了不可 磨灭的贡献。所以中国民主党确信民主是两岸和平统一的政治大前题，是全体中国人民的一致要求与权利。为此特别呼吁大陆政府早日开放党禁，还政与民，还各项自由和权利与民，真心实意地为祖国和平统一进行自身的政治体制改革。

第四，中国民主党认为大陆中共政府一味地唯我独尊，武力恐吓与外交打压，只会引起全中国人民尤其是台湾地区人民的反感，妨碍了和平统一。我们呼吁尊重二千二百万台湾民众的公民权利与政治权利之时，也提醒台湾当局及李登辉先生，要忠于中华民国包含大陆在内一个中国的主权；要尊重两 岸人民希望祖国和平统一的感情，以务实的态度处理好两岸关系，用台湾经验支持与推动大陆的政治民主化与经济现代化，缩小影响统一的差距，切莫用两岸的和平与人民生命财产的安全作“两国论”的政治赌注。

最后，中国民主党再次向世人声明：“和平、民主、统一中国”这三原则是缺一不可，是我党所追 求与一贯不变的原则理念。在目前关系紧张，战争乌云 笼罩台湾 海峡的情况下，我们紧急呼吁海内外全体华人及对中
国人民友好的各国政党和政府与我们一起努力，向两岸政府施加影响，反对分裂中国，反对用武力统一。

一九九九年八月十六日于杭州

Taiwan Strait Issue: The China Democracy Party advocates peace, democracy, and unification.

Peace: Chinese people do not fight Chinese people, whether they are citizens of the People’s Republic of China on the mainland or the Republic of China in Taiwan. Mutual distrust, conflict, and harm among brothers only create conditions for outsiders to exploit and profit, and is despised by civilized society.

Democracy: Democracy is the fundamental political prerequisite for unification. Only democratic unification is true unification for the people on both sides of the Taiwan Strait—a civilized unification driven by popular will, guaranteed by civil rights, and beneficial to the people, like the unification of East and West Germany. Autocratic unification is merely a unification by rulers to satisfy their own ambitions, causing bloodshed and loss of life for the people on both sides, without any regard for their well-being.

Unification: Unification is our goal. Peaceful and democratic unification is conducive to expanding the freedom, security, and development space for the people on both sides of the Taiwan Strait.

However, before the conditions for peaceful and democratic unification are ripe, maintaining the status quo is in the best interests of the people on both sides of the Taiwan Strait. We must prevent both Taiwan independence that abolishes the Republic of China and the military unification that eliminates the Republic of China. The People’s Republic of China’s suppression of the Republic of China in Taiwan is too harsh, forcing more Taiwanese to support Taiwanese independence; the intense activities of Taiwanese independence movements could provoke the CCP authorities to use force.

What should be done now?

From a negative perspective, both sides of the Taiwan Strait, especially at the government level, must maintain appropriate restraint in their daily domestic and international political activities to avoid pushing the other side to desperate measures, leaving themselves with no room for maneuver or retreat. From a positive perspective, it means that the governments and people on both sides of the Taiwan Strait must acknowledge each other’s national system and political system, and enhance mutual understanding and trust. In this regard, the powerful mainland China must especially set a goodwill example.

The China Democracy Party has made many statements and pronouncements on “Peace, Democracy, and Unification” throughout history. At a time of escalating military buildup and growing crisis across the Taiwan Strait, I am simply reiterating these statements. We will continue to strive to promote democracy and the rule of law in mainland China, defend human rights, prevent the tragedy of war across the Strait, and work hard to create conditions for peaceful and democratic unification.

Chen Shuqing, November 25, 2025

Peace, Democracy, and a Unified China

———Emergency Statement from the Preparatory Committee of the China Democracy Party National Committee

Recently, Mr. Lee Teng-hui has declared on multiple occasions a “special relationship between two countries,” triggering a highly tense atmosphere in the Taiwan Strait. The mainland military has rapidly amassed troops along the southeast coast, deploying defenses and intensifying amphibious warfare exercises; war seems imminent. Members of the provincial preparatory committees of the China Democracy Party, with anxious hearts, are closely monitoring the situation and hereby issue the following urgent appeal:

First, the China Democracy Party opposes any war on both sides of the Taiwan Strait in which Chinese people kill each other. To paraphrase Mr. Jiang Zemin’s words on May 15th: “The life of every Chinese person is extremely precious; this is the most fundamental human right that the Chinese government must uphold.” The China Democracy Party believes that anyone who instigates and launches a civil war, causing enormous loss of life and property to people on both sides of the Strait, without a national referendum after full and free discussion of various opinions and without authorization by a two-thirds majority vote in the National Assembly, will become an unforgivable historical sinner of the Chinese nation and will be thoroughly condemned by the Chinese people and peace-loving people worldwide.

Secondly, the Republic of China, founded by Dr. Sun Yat-sen and countless early revolutionary martyrs, encompasses both mainland China and Taiwan. The People’s Republic of China, led by the Communist Party, also includes both mainland China and Taiwan. Historical infighting between the KMT and the CPC has resulted in the current unfortunate separation of the two sides and the hostile relationship between their governments. The China Democracy Party, adhering to the One China principle, acknowledges the historical and contemporary legitimacy of both governments and urges the authorities on both sides to exercise restraint and rationality, resume the Wang-Koo talks as soon as possible, accelerate the Three Links (direct trade, postal, and transportation links) across the Taiwan Strait, and promote peace, democracy, and unification.

Thirdly, the China Democracy Party is a faithful inheritor of Dr. Sun Yat-sen’s Three Principles of the People and, in this new historical period, is carrying them forward peacefully and rationally. The KMT was personally founded by Dr. Sun Yat-sen; the Communist Party of China also considered itself an inheritor of the Three Principles of the People; and the Democratic Progressive Party has made indelible contributions to the democratization process in Taiwan. Therefore, the China Democracy Party firmly believes that democracy is the fundamental political prerequisite for peaceful reunification across the Taiwan Strait and is the unanimous demand and right of all Chinese people. Therefore, we specifically urge the mainland government to lift the ban on political parties as soon as possible, return power to the people, and restore all freedoms and rights to the people, and sincerely reform its own political system for the peaceful reunification of the motherland.

Fourth, the China Democracy Party believes that the mainland CCP government’s unilateralism, military intimidation, and diplomatic suppression will only arouse resentment among all Chinese people, especially the people of Taiwan, and hinder peaceful reunification. While we call for respect for the civil and political rights of the 22 million people of Taiwan, we also remind the Taiwan authorities and Mr. Lee Teng-hui to be loyal to the sovereignty of the Republic of China, including the mainland, as one China; to respect the feelings of people on both sides of the strait who hope for the peaceful reunification of the motherland; to handle cross-strait relations with a pragmatic attitude; to use Taiwan’s experience to support and promote the political democratization and economic modernization of the mainland; to narrow the gap affecting reunification; and not to gamble with cross-strait peace and the safety of people’s lives and property on the political gamble of the “two-state theory.”

Finally, the China Democracy Party reiterates to the world that the three principles of “peace, democracy, and the reunification of China” are indispensable and are the consistent principles pursued by our party. Given the current tense relations and the looming threat of war over the Taiwan Strait, we urgently appeal to all Chinese people at home and abroad, as well as political parties and governments of all countries friendly to the Chinese people, to join us in exerting influence on the governments on both sides of the Taiwan Strait to oppose the division of China and the use of force for reunification.

August 16, 1999, Hangzhou

伦敦 · 2025年12月6日

伦敦冬雨的气息，总带着一种古老的沉思。寒意在空气中缓慢流动，仿佛把这座城市惯有的矜持也浸润成一种灰蓝色的肃穆。然而就在今日下午，一束由人群与信念共同点燃的亮光，自 Piccadilly Circus 的霓虹下缓缓升起，穿过湿漉的街石、雨雾与车声，稳步向唐宁街的铁门与内政部的冷峻外墙推进。

由 中国民主党英国总部 联合多支在英香港社群共同发起的“在英港人大游行”，在1点30分准时汇聚成一道声浪。雨滴敲击雨伞的节奏，反倒像是为队伍伴奏，响亮而持续。

碎雨之下，四项诉求如灯塔般坚定

队伍举着写有诉求的横幅，那墨色字迹在雨中依然锋利：

1. 维持BNO港人的原有定居条件 —— 语言与收入门槛，不应成为政治风向下轻易更改的筹码。
2. 任何政策变化须设立合理过渡期 —— 不能让扎根异乡的人在一夜之间失去方向。
3. 保障香港政治庇护者与公约难民的五年定居途径 —— 他们逃离的是镇压，不应在自由的国度再度被犹疑审视。
4. 否决中共于前皇家铸币厂建设“超级大使馆”的计划 —— 无数香港人与在英华人担忧，这或将成为监视的延伸、威胁的影子。

这些诉求，被雨水打湿，却没有被冲淡，反倒显得更加清晰。

从Piccadilly到唐宁街：一条被坚持照亮的路线

队伍从熙攘的 Piccadilly Circus 出发，霓虹在雨幕里折出柔光，照在每一个匆匆或驻足的面孔上。
路人们的反应多样：不少路人驻足观看、有人鼓掌、有人安静地接过传单，也有游客误以为遇见艺术表演，但当看清横幅上的字句时，神情逐渐变得严肃。

街道湿滑，风一阵阵地刮过，但队伍没有散乱。
孩子坐在父母肩头举着小旗；年长者拖着拉车也加入其中；许多人披着黑色雨衣，看上去像一片沉默却坚定的海潮。

行至唐宁街附近时，铁门后的警员注视着队伍，雨珠顺着头盔滑落，而高呼声在街区回荡，像是敲击英国政治中枢的一记又一记心跳。

抵达内政部：雨中的静默，比喊声更有力量

队伍抵达 英国内政部（Home Office） 外时，雨几乎转成细密的薄雾。
有人站在最后方，轻声念起写给英国政府的公开信；有人抬头望着灰白的建筑，仿佛试图从那沉默的墙体上判断政策的未来方向。

然而最令人动容的，是那一刻的 静默 ——
雨落在地面，水洼中倒映着旗帜，字句颠倒而模糊；
但人群站得笔直，如同一道无形的防线。

就在伦敦人群在内政部前静默的同时，曼城的集会也进入高潮——党员与支持者们将写给国会议员的声明交给当地办公室。有参与者说：“伦敦站在雨中，我们站在风里。” 那一句话像把南北两地的情绪缝合起来，让今日的行动不再是单点的呼喊，而是覆盖整个英国的回声。

文学无法夸大这一天的真实

今日并非伦敦第一次见证港人的呼声，但每一次都拥有新的意义。
或许是因为寒雨让步伐更沉，也或许是因为政策变动的阴影愈发逼近，
每一个参与者都带着一种更强烈的紧迫感、更深刻的情绪、更坚定的心意。

他们没有武器，没有权势，
只有声音——
一条路、一场雨、一座城市能听见的声音。

结语：冬雨会停，但诉求不会沉没

英国的冬雨终将在夜里散去，街道将在清晨重新焕出光泽。
然而今日留下的，不止是湿透的旗帜与路面上的脚印。
是一个群体再次向英国发出的讯息：
正义不是善意的赏赐，而是必须被坚持、被守护、被要求的承诺！

中国民主党英国总部组织信息

组织者

• 中国民主党英国总部活动总指挥：王魏晋

党员参与名单
• 王魏晋
• 张学美
• 王涛
• 杨沁龙
• 谢清怡
• 王海鸥
• 许少男
• 李申耀
• 徐韦华
• 周凤雄
• 杨体和
• 邬勇
• 熊志斌
• 赵武

Echoes in the London Rain: Hongkongers in the UK and the UK Headquarters of China Democracy Party Join Hands to Call Once More for “Justice” from the British Government

London · 6 December 2025

The smell of London’s winter rain always carries an air of ancient contemplation. The cold drifts slowly through the air, as if soaking the city’s habitual reserve in a muted blue-grey solemnity. Yet this afternoon, a beam of light, kindled by a crowd and by conviction, rose slowly from the neon glow of Piccadilly Circus, crossed the wet paving stones, drizzle and traffic noise, and moved steadily towards the iron gates of Downing Street and the austere façade of the Home Office.

The “Hongkongers in the UK” march, jointly organised by the UK Headquarters of China Democracy Party and several Hongkonger communities across Britain, gathered into a single wave of voices at 1.30pm sharp. The rhythm of raindrops on umbrellas became an accompaniment for the march, loud and unbroken.

Under the fine rain, four key demands stood firm like a lighthouse

The marchers held banners setting out their demands, the ink-black characters remaining sharp even in the rain:

1. Maintain the original settlement conditions for BNO Hongkongers – language and income thresholds must not become bargaining chips to be altered at will by political winds.
2. Any policy changes must include a reasonable transition period – those who have put down roots in a new land must not find themselves directionless overnight.
3. Safeguard a five-year route to settlement for Hong Kong political asylees and Convention refugees – they fled repression, and should not once again be subjected to hesitant scrutiny in a supposedly free country.
4. Reject the Chinese Communist Party’s plan to build a “mega-embassy” at the former Royal Mint site – countless Hongkongers and Chinese people in the UK fear this will become an extension of surveillance, a shadow of intimidation.

These demands were drenched by the rain, but not washed away; instead, they stood out all the more clearly.

From Piccadilly to Downing Street: a route lit up by persistence

The march set off from the bustling Piccadilly Circus. Neon lights, refracted through the curtain of rain, cast a soft glow over every passing or lingering face.

Reactions from passers-by were varied: many stopped to watch; some applauded; some quietly accepted leaflets; a few tourists at first assumed they had stumbled upon some kind of performance, but once they had read the words on the banners their expressions gradually turned serious.

The streets were slippery, and gusts of wind swept through, yet the march did not break formation. Children sat on their parents’ shoulders, waving small flags; older people pulled their shopping trolleys as they joined in; many wore black raincoats, looking like a silent yet resolute tide.

As they approached Downing Street, police officers behind the iron gates watched the marchers, raindrops tracing down their helmets, while the chants echoed around the streets like heartbeats knocking again and again on the political centre of the United Kingdom.

At the Home Office: in the rain, silence carried more force than shouting

When the march reached the Home Office, the rain had turned almost into a fine mist. Some stood at the back, softly reading aloud an open letter addressed to the British Government; others looked up at the grey-white building, as if trying to read the future direction of policy from its silent walls.

Yet the most moving moment was the silence.

Rain fell to the ground, flags reflected in puddles, the words reversed and blurred;

but the crowd stood upright, like an invisible line of defence.

While the crowd in London stood in silence outside the Home Office, the rally in Manchester was reaching its climax – party members and supporters there delivered written statements to local MPs’ offices. One participant remarked: “London stands in the rain; we stand in the wind.” Those words seemed to stitch together the emotions of north and south, turning the day’s actions from isolated shouts into an echo spread across the whole of the UK.

No piece of writing can exaggerate the reality of this day

This was not the first time London has heard the voices of Hongkongers, but each occasion carries a new meaning. Perhaps it was the winter rain that made every step heavier, or perhaps it was the ever-looming shadow of policy change drawing closer; each participant seemed to carry a sharper sense of urgency, a deeper well of emotion and a more resolute determination.

They had no weapons, no power.

Only their voices –

a road, a rainstorm and a city could all hear those voices.

Conclusion: the winter rain will stop, but the demands will not sink

The winter rain over Britain will disperse during the night, and by morning the streets will once again gleam. Yet what remains from today is more than drenched flags and footprints on the road.

What remains is a message sent once again to the United Kingdom by a community:

justice is not a charitable favour, but a promise that must be insisted upon, protected and demanded.

Organisational information of the UK Headquarters of China Democracy Party

Organisers

• Chief Coordinator of Activities, UK Headquarters of China Democracy Party: Wang Weijin

List of participating party members

• Wang Weijin

• Zhang Xuemei

• Wang Tao

• Yang Qinlong

• Xie Qingyi

• Wang Haiou

• Xu Shaonan

• Li Shenyao

• Xu Weihua

• Zhou Fengxiong

• Yang Tihe

• Wu Yong

• Xiong Zhibin

• Zhao Wu

2025年11月30日，中国民主党新西兰党部在奥克兰伊丽莎白广场举行集会，纪念震撼世界的白纸革命三周年。中国民主党新西兰党部成立于2025年10月10日，隶属于中国民主党英国总部。当地时间下午1时许活动以和平方式展开，却在新西兰社会引起广泛关注。多位奥克兰本地民众、人权倡议者、学者以及民运组织代表到场支持，表达对中国人权状况的强烈关切。

中国民主党新西兰党部负责人冯飞（Fei Feng）在现场发表讲话指出，2022年的白纸革命，是中国人民在极端封控、高压统治和言论禁锢下，被迫发出的最沉默却最震撼的呼喊。他强调：“那张白纸不是空白，而是写满了人民被夺走的自由与尊严。白纸革命至今仍是对习近平政权极权统治的最有力控诉。”

冯飞严厉谴责中共借疫情实施的极端封锁政策，造成难以估量的人道灾难，使无数家庭破碎、亲人离散、社会陷入恐惧。他呼吁国际社会必须持续关注中国的人权危机，不应被中共的宣传与外交渗透所蒙蔽。

本次纪念活动也吸引了多名新西兰民众在聆听后表示震撼，认为白纸革命展示的勇气“值得全世界尊敬与铭记”。冯飞回应说：“今天，我们看到新西兰社会对中国人权议题的关注正在逐渐加深。这说明，人类对自由的追求，是跨越国界的普世价值。”

现场参与者举起白纸、蜡烛与横幅，向在白纸革命中被拘押、被迫害、被消失的勇士致敬；许多新西兰市民也加入行列，与华人共同表达对自由、人权和民主价值的支持。

在讲话的最后，冯飞郑重指出：
“我们纪念白纸革命，不是为了悲伤，而是为了延续希望。自由不会自己到来，我们必须坚持站出来反抗暴政、捍卫尊严、守护真相。”

结语：向世界发出新西兰的声音

在活动的最后时刻，中国民主党新西兰党部再次以集体名义向世界发声：

“我们在新西兰呼吁世界各国：不要遗忘白纸革命，不要忘记那些为自由而被牺牲的中国人民。我们中国民主党新西兰党部将继续站在国际舞台上，与所有追求自由与正义的人一道，推动中国早日走向民主、法治与人权的新时代。”

中国民主党新西兰党部供稿

New Zealand Branch of the China Democracy Party: Marking the Third Anniversary of the White Paper Revolution —Our Voice for Freedom Continues

On 30 November 2025, the New Zealand Branch of the China Democracy Party held a public gathering at Elizabeth Square in Auckland to commemorate the third anniversary of the White Paper Revolution, a movement that shocked the world.

The New Zealand Branch, established on 10 October 2025 and operating under the UK Headquarters of China Democracy Party, organised the event peacefully at around 1 p.m. local time. The gathering quickly drew attention across New Zealand’s civil society.

Numerous Auckland residents, human rights advocates, academics, and representatives from pro-democracy groups attended to show support and to express deep concern over China’s deteriorating human rights situation.

Fei Feng, head of the New Zealand Branch, addressed the crowd, stating that the White Paper Revolution of 2022 was “the loudest cry delivered in silence” by the Chinese people who suffered under extreme lockdowns, authoritarian control and suppression of free expression.

He emphasised:

“That sheet of white paper was never empty — it carried all the freedoms and dignity stolen from the people. The White Paper Revolution remains the most powerful indictment of Xi Jinping’s authoritarian rule.”

Fei Feng strongly condemned the Chinese government’s brutal pandemic lockdown policies, describing them as a humanitarian catastrophe that broke families apart, caused widespread suffering, and plunged society into fear. He called on the international community to remain vigilant and not to be misled by Beijing’s propaganda and diplomatic influence operations.

The commemoration resonated strongly with the public. Many New Zealanders, after listening to the speeches, said they were deeply moved and believed that the courage shown during the White Paper Revolution “deserves global respect and remembrance.”

Fei Feng responded:

“Today we see growing awareness in New Zealand regarding China’s human rights crisis. It shows that the pursuit of freedom is a universal value that transcends borders.”

Participants held up white papers, candles and banners, paying tribute to those who were detained, persecuted or disappeared during the White Paper protests. Many New Zealand citizens joined the demonstration, standing alongside Chinese attendees to support the values of freedom, human rights and democracy.

In his closing remarks, Fei Feng stated firmly:

“We commemorate the White Paper Revolution not to mourn, but to continue the hope it represents. Freedom never arrives on its own — it demands that we stand up, resist tyranny, defend dignity and safeguard the truth.”

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A Final Message: New Zealand’s Voice to the World

As the event came to an end, the New Zealand Branch of the China Democracy Party issued a collective statement:

“From New Zealand, we call on the world: do not forget the White Paper Revolution.

Do not forget those who sacrificed their freedom for the sake of all Chinese people.

We, the New Zealand Branch of the China Democracy Party, will continue to speak on the international stage, and work with all who pursue liberty and justice, to help usher China into a future of democracy, rule of law and human rights.”

Statement by the New Zealand Branch of the China Democracy Party