雨中的纪念 —— 中国民主党英国总部在曼彻斯特举行 8·31 六周年游行示威 Commemoration in the Rain – UK Headquarters of the China Democracy Party Holds 8·31 Sixth Anniversary Protest in Manchester

曼彻斯特,2025年8月31日 —— 在连绵的秋雨中,数十名抗议者走上曼彻斯特街头,纪念六年前震动香港的“8·31 太子站事件”。这场由中国民主党英国总部发起的游行,于下午三时在 St. Peter’s Square 集合,随后沿市中心主要街道环行,吸引了路人的目光与媒体的关注。

雨势未阻,标语在水迹中沉重

天空自午后开始倾盆大雨,游行队伍中的纸质横幅和布制标语很快被雨水浸透,墨迹在水迹中模糊,但反而让口号更显悲怆。抗议者身披雨衣,或仅凭湿透的衣衫继续前行,步伐坚定有序。

口号声此起彼伏——“Remember 8·31”,“Say No to CCP Evil”,“光复香港,时代革命”。雨声与呼喊交织,使整个游行氛围更显肃穆。

一名组织者对记者表示:“六年过去,记忆不能被冲淡。即使天气恶劣,我们仍要走在街上,告诉世界,那一夜的真相不能被遗忘。”

路人驻足,反应各异

游行途经市中心繁忙的购物区与餐饮街,许多路人停下脚步,拿起手机拍照。有人与抗议者短暂交谈,表示支持言论自由与集会权利;也有人承认并不熟悉“8·31”的背景,但对示威者的坚持感到“敬佩”。

一位当地年轻人说:“我只听过一些关于香港抗议的新闻,但今天看到他们冒雨游行,能感觉到这件事对他们的意义非常重大。”

横幅与信息传递

示威者手举自制的横幅,上面写着“Stop Police Brutality”,“Justice for Hong Kong”,以及“Say No to CCP Evil”。有的标语以中英文并列,有的以粤语拼音呈现。组织方在集会现场也发放传单,介绍 2019 年事件经过,并解释相关的政治与人权诉求。

此外,活动还推广两项正在英国国会进行的联署行动:

 1. BNO 平权联署 —— 呼吁给予 BNO(英国国民(海外)护照)持有者更大权利保障;

 2. “外国影响力登记计划”联署 —— 倡议将中国与香港列入“进阶级别”监管对象。

组织者强调,街头行动与制度内推动并行,是海外社群长期抗争的一部分。

背景:六年前的“8·31 太子站事件”

2019年8月31日晚,香港地铁太子站内爆发警民冲突。警方进入车厢与月台驱散抗议者,并对乘客进行拘捕和武力执法。事件现场画面混乱,引发“警察在站内殴打甚至打死市民”的争议。尽管当局否认死亡个案,但事件从此被抗议者称为“8·31 黑警打死人”,并成为香港民主运动的象征性节点。

自那以后,每年 8 月 31 日,香港以及流散海外的港人社群都会举行纪念活动,要求“真相、问责与公义”。

雨中的坚持

那天的曼彻斯特,灰色的天幕与淋湿的横幅构成了游行现场最强烈的视觉符号。参与者的队伍不算庞大,但口号整齐、情绪凝重。有人默默举着花伞陪伴队伍,有人用力挥动早已湿透的布旗。

在雨声掩盖下,仍能听见一句反复被喊出的口号:“Never Forget, Never Forgive.”

对于这些远离家乡的抗议者而言,这场游行既是一种纪念,也是延续六年的坚持。正如一位参与者所言:“就算人少,就算在雨中,我们仍然要把声音传出去。因为记忆,本身就是抵抗。”

这是一场在大雨中完成的纪念行动。不同于喧闹的大型集会,它更像是一次沉默的行军。横幅上的墨迹被雨水冲散,却让人更直观地感受到——对于这些人而言,六年前的那一夜,仍是无法磨灭的痛点与理由。

中国民主党英国总部供稿

总指挥:王魏晋

副总指挥:杨体和

参与党员名单:周凤雄、钟淑琴、杨体和、邬勇、温作团、王涛、赵武。

Commemoration in the Rain – UK Headquarters of the China Democracy Party Holds 8·31 Sixth Anniversary Protest in Manchester

Manchester, 31 August 2025 — In persistent autumn rain, dozens of protesters took to the streets of Manchester to mark the sixth anniversary of Hong Kong’s “8·31 Prince Edward Station Incident”. Organised by the UK Headquarters of the China Democracy Party (CDP UK), the march began at 3 p.m. in St Peter’s Square and proceeded through the city centre’s main streets, drawing the attention of passers-by and local media.

Rain did not halt the march – banners heavy with water

From midday, heavy rain poured down. Within minutes, paper placards and cloth banners were soaked, their ink bleeding into water stains — a poignant symbol of grief. Protesters pressed on in raincoats or drenched clothing, their steps steady and ordered.

Chants echoed through the rain: “Remember 8·31”, “Say No to CCP Evil”, “Liberate Hong Kong, Revolution of Our Times”. The sound of rainfall mingled with the cries, heightening the solemnity of the demonstration.

One organiser told reporters: “Six years have passed, but memory cannot be washed away. Even in such weather, we must walk the streets to tell the world that the truth of that night must not be forgotten.”

Mixed reactions from onlookers

The march passed through Manchester’s bustling shopping and dining districts. Many pedestrians stopped to watch, taking photos with their phones. Some briefly conversed with protesters, expressing support for free speech and the right to assembly. Others admitted they were unfamiliar with “8·31” but said they were “moved by the persistence” of the demonstrators.

One young local commented: “I only knew a little about the Hong Kong protests from the news, but seeing them march in the rain today, you could feel how important this is to them.”

Banners and message-sharing

Protesters carried homemade banners reading “Stop Police Brutality”, “Justice for Hong Kong”, and “Say No to CCP Evil”. Some were bilingual in Chinese and English, others written in Cantonese pinyin. Organisers distributed leaflets recounting the events of 2019 and explaining their political and human rights demands.

The protest also promoted two parliamentary petitions in the UK:

  1. BNO Equality Petition — calling for greater rights and protections for holders of British National (Overseas) passports.
  2. Foreign Influence Registration Scheme Petition — urging the government to list China and Hong Kong as “enhanced” risk categories.

Organisers stressed that street actions and institutional lobbying were two sides of the same struggle for the overseas community.

Background: the 8·31 Prince Edward Station Incident

On the night of 31 August 2019, violent clashes erupted inside Hong Kong’s Prince Edward MTR station. Police stormed train carriages and platforms to disperse protesters, detaining and assaulting passengers. Chaotic footage led to widespread belief that civilians were beaten to death inside the station, an allegation authorities denied. Nonetheless, the incident became immortalised among protesters as “8·31 police killings” and remains a powerful symbol of the Hong Kong democracy movement.

Since then, every year on 31 August, Hong Kongers both at home and abroad have held commemorations, demanding truth, accountability, and justice.

Persistence in the rain

That day in Manchester, the grey skies and rain-soaked banners formed the most striking images. Though the crowd was not large, their chants were unified, their emotions sombre. Some locals silently walked alongside with umbrellas; others waved sodden flags with determination.

Through the patter of rain, one phrase stood out, repeated again and again: “Never Forget, Never Forgive.”

For these exiled protesters, the march was both commemoration and continuation. As one participant remarked: “Even if we are few, even in the rain, we must carry our voices. Because memory itself is resistance.”

It was a commemoration carried out under heavy rain. Unlike loud mass rallies, it resembled a silent march of remembrance. The ink washed away from the banners only reinforced the message: for these people, that night six years ago remains an unhealed wound — and an enduring reason to resist.

Submitted by the UK Headquarters of the China Democracy Party

Commander: Wang Weijin

Deputy Commander: Yang Tihe

Participating Members: Zhou Fengxiong, Zhong Shuqin, Yang Tihe, Wu Yong, Wen Zuotuan, Wang Tao, Zhao Wu.

多族群联合抗议中共“超级大使馆”计划——中国民主党英国总部展现团结力量 Multi-Ethnic Protest Against the CCP’s “Mega Embassy” Plan— UK Headquarters of the China Democracy Party Demonstrates Unity and Resolve

伦敦,2025年8月23日 —— 初秋的伦敦街头,响起一阵阵震耳欲聋的口号声:“打倒中共独裁!”、“不要超级大使馆!”、“捍卫自由,支持民主!”、“Free China!”、“Free Hong Kong!”、“No China mega embassy!” 来自香港、藏人、维吾尔社群与中国民主党英国总部的一千五百余名示威者汇聚一堂,以游行的方式抗议中共拟在皇家铸币厂旧址建立所谓“超级大使馆”的计划。

这场始于香港驻伦敦经贸办,途径大英博物馆、特拉法加广场至白厅的游行,不仅是一场对建筑项目的反对,更是对中共跨国压迫的警醒。示威者举起旗帜、横幅和标语,呼喊声在伦敦古老的街道间回荡。

中国民主党英国总部的号召与募捐

在示威队伍中,中国民主党英国总部的身影尤为鲜明。民主党队伍与香港、藏人、维吾尔等社群并肩而行,彼此旗帜交错,口号交织,形成一股强大的合力。不同语言的呼声此起彼伏,但传递的核心却一致:抵制极权,守护自由。这种跨群体的呼应,令整场游行气势更加磅礴。

民主党成员还主动向围观市民分发传单,耐心讲解中共“超级大使馆”背后的风险:它并非单纯的外交建筑,而可能成为跨国监控与镇压的据点。他们强调,这将危及英国社会的自由环境与公共安全。

不少英国市民被感染,纷纷停下脚步,有的鼓掌,有的高举拇指,有的主动上前交谈,表达对中国人争取自由的支持。甚至有路人即兴呼喊“Freedom for China!”,与队伍形成互动,让气氛达到高潮。

活动中,在中国民主党英国总部总指挥王魏晋的组织与呼吁下,党内第二次募捐随即展开。现场党员慷慨解囊,最终共筹集到 433.22英镑。

明细如下:
1. 王魏晋,118.15英镑
2. 王涛,20英镑
3. 俞杰辉,10英镑
4. 吴志芬,10英镑
5. 成亚利,100英镑
6. 成小丹,20英镑
7. 周凤雄,10英镑
8. 熊志兵,40英镑
9. 徐伟华,50英镑
10. 吴小海,20英镑
11. 吴冉,10英镑
12. 李申耀,10.07英镑
13. 钱越,5英镑
14. 杨诚名言,10英镑

王魏晋强调,这不仅是一笔资金,更是一种信念的凝聚:“哪怕是最微小的贡献,也能汇成对抗极权的洪流。”

多族群的共同呼声

此次抗议并非单一群体的行动,而是香港人、藏人、维吾尔人、中国民主党成员等多元社群的联合阵线。组织者指出,“超级大使馆”计划不仅涉及城市规划,更触及人权与安全的核心问题:它可能成为跨境镇压的枢纽。

西藏之声援引藏人行政中央驻英办事处秘书长贡噶的话说:“英国政府必须听到这声音,这不仅是伦敦的街头之声,更是全球受中共压迫群体的呼声。”

英国政府的延迟决定

抗议当天,英国政府宣布,将原定于9月9日作出的规划决定推迟至10月21日,以审慎评估被“涂黑”的设计图纸背后所隐含的风险。这一举动,被外界普遍解读为对社会舆论与安全忧虑的回应。

早前,副首相安吉拉·雷纳已公开要求中方澄清图纸中敏感部分,为公众的疑虑提供解释。然而至今,中方始终保持沉默。

背景与意义

中共“超级大使馆”计划自2018年提出,若落成将成为中国在欧洲最大的外交综合体,占地近两万平方米。自2022年起,该计划屡遭质疑与反对,伦敦塔村市议会已因安全与社区问题而否决,但中央政府介入后,争议愈演愈烈。

今天的抗议行动,无疑为这场拉锯战注入新的变量。

自由之链:白厅的象征时刻

在游行的尾声,中国民主党英国总部的党员在白厅手拉着手,组成一条象征性的“自由之链”。这一形式源于“手拉手中国自由之链”的理念,象征着被中共分割与压迫的群体,在海外以团结的姿态重新连结。

队伍静默而庄严,紧握的双手连成一体,仿佛一道不可撕裂的纽带。参与者们齐声呼喊:“Free China!Free Hong Kong!No China mega embassy!” 这一刻,不仅凝聚了华人流亡群体的力量,也向世界传递了一个清晰的信号:自由的信念可以跨越国界,延续至任何角落。

结语

在伦敦的天空下,横跨不同民族、不同背景的群体肩并肩,喊出同一个声音:自由、民主与尊严不可妥协。

中国民主党英国总部的坚定参与,不仅展示了党内团结与行动力,也让世人看到,在海外的流亡群体,正以自身的方式延续抗争。

正如一位参加游行的香港青年所言:“超级大使馆或许高墙森严,但今天我们证明了,高墙永远挡不住自由的呼声。”

中国民主党英国总部组织信息
• 总指挥:王魏晋
• 副总指挥:卢灵飞

演讲党员名单:王魏晋、卢灵飞、周凤雄

活动参与党员名单:
王魏晋、卢灵飞、熊志兵、周凤雄、王涛、吴小海、李涛、赵武、成小丹、韦崇华、白林、钱越、雷喜哲、李申耀、张石头、俞杰辉、吴志芬、张学美、赵玉莲、戴雪梅、王建、周勇、杨诚名言、丁晨光、吴冉、郭稼瑄、徐伟华、戴超、靳雪涔、廖柳燕、林丽君、范可为。

P UK launched its second fundraising campaign. Members contributed generously, raising a total of £433.22.

Breakdown of donations:

  1. Wang Weijin – £118.15
  2. Wang Tao – £20
  3. Yu Jiehui – £10
  4. Wu Zhifen – £10
  5. Cheng Yali – £100
  6. Cheng Xiaodan – £20
  7. Zhou Fengxiong – £10
  8. Xiong Zhibing – £40
  9. Xu Weihua – £50
  10. Wu Xiaohai – £20
  11. Wu Ran – £10
  12. Li Shenyao – £10.07
  13. Qian Yue – £5
  14. Yang Cheng Mingyan – £10

Wang Weijin stressed that this was more than money: “Even the smallest contribution can swell into a tide of resistance against tyranny.”


A united call across communities

The protest was not the action of a single group but a joint front of Hong Kongers, Tibetans, Uyghurs, and members of the China Democracy Party. Organisers pointed out that the “mega embassy” plan was not merely an issue of urban planning but a matter of human rights and security: a potential hub for cross-border repression.

Voice of Tibet quoted Kunga, Secretary-General of the Tibet Office in London, as saying: “The British government must hear this voice. It is not only the voice of London’s streets but the cry of oppressed communities across the world.”


UK government delays decision

On the day of the protest, the UK government announced that its planning decision, originally due on 9 September, would be postponed until 21 October to carefully assess the risks hidden in the heavily redacted design blueprints. The move was widely interpreted as a response to public concern and security worries.

Earlier, Deputy Prime Minister Angela Rayner had publicly demanded clarification from Beijing over the censored sections of the plans, insisting that the public deserved an explanation. To date, China has remained silent.


Background and significance

First proposed in 2018, the CCP’s “mega embassy” project would, if completed, be China’s largest diplomatic complex in Europe, covering nearly 20,000 square metres. Since 2022, the plan has faced sustained opposition. While Tower Hamlets Council rejected it over safety and community concerns, central government intervention kept the dispute alive.

Saturday’s protest has now injected fresh momentum into this tug-of-war.


The “Freedom Chain” in Whitehall

At the conclusion of the march, CDP UK members joined hands along Whitehall to form a symbolic “Freedom Chain”. Inspired by the “Hands Across China Freedom Chain” initiative, it symbolised how groups fractured and oppressed by the CCP were reuniting abroad in solidarity.

The line stood silent and solemn, hands tightly clasped, forming an unbreakable bond. Together they chanted: “Free China! Free Hong Kong! No China mega embassy!” At that moment, the exiled communities projected a powerful message to the world: that the belief in freedom transcends borders and endures everywhere.


Conclusion

Under the skies of London, diverse groups from different nations and backgrounds stood shoulder to shoulder, proclaiming one united message: freedom, democracy and dignity are non-negotiable.

The strong presence of the UK Headquarters of the China Democracy Party not only demonstrated unity and capacity for action within the party but also showed the world that overseas exiled communities continue the struggle in their own ways.

As one Hong Kong youth remarked: “The mega embassy may be fortified with high walls, but today we proved that no wall can ever silence the cry for freedom.”


UK Headquarters of the China Democracy Party – Event Organisation

  • Commander: Wang Weijin
  • Deputy Commander: Lu Lingfei

Speakers: Wang Weijin, Lu Lingfei, Zhou Fengxiong

Attending Members: Wang Weijin, Lu Lingfei, Xiong Zhibing, Zhou Fengxiong, Wang Tao, Wu Xiaohai, Li Tao, Zhao Wu, Cheng Xiaodan, Wei Chonghua, Bai Lin, Qian Yue, Lei Xizhe, Li Shenyao, Zhang Shitou, Yu Jiehui, Wu Zhifen, Zhang Xuemei, Zhao Yulian, Dai Xuemei, Wang Jian, Zhou Yong, Yang Cheng Mingyan, Ding Chengguang, Wu Ran, Guo Jiaxuan, Xu Weihua, Dai Chao, Jin Xuecen, Liao Liuyan, Lin Lijun, Fan Kewei.

Submitted by the UK Headquarters of the China Democracy Party

中国民主党英国总部在中国大使馆门前举行抗议中共活摘人体器官活动 UK Headquarters of the China Democracy Party Holds Protest Outside Chinese Embassy Against the CCP’s Illegal Harvesting of Human Organs

伦敦 & 曼彻斯特,2025年8月13日 — 在初秋的伦敦,中国民主党英国总部在中国大使馆对面举行了一场震撼人心的集会示威,主题为 “反对中共非法活摘人体器官”。同一时间,一百多英里之外的曼彻斯特,中国民主党英国总部的部分党员也在中国驻曼彻斯特总领馆前高举标语,与伦敦形成呼应,向世界传递同一声疾呼。

伦敦的集会现场,二十余名党员与支持者肩并肩站立,手中紧握的不仅是抗议横幅,还有一张张被害者与失踪者的照片——其中不乏稚气未脱的儿童面孔。那些曾经天真明亮的笑容,如今静静凝固在冰冷的相片中,与背后的罪行形成刺痛人心的对比。路人纷纷驻足,有人低声询问,有人眼含泪光,也有人举起手机记录下这一幕。一些外国民众在了解情况后表示震惊,并当场表达声援。

口号声如潮水般在大使馆外涌动:“反对中共非法活摘人体器官!释放政治犯!要民主、要自由!军队国家化!开放党禁、报禁!习近平下台!共产党下台!” 声声呼喊,既是愤怒的呐喊,也是向良知的召唤。

集会中,多位党员轮番演讲——王魏晋、卢灵飞、韦崇华、黄天、雷喜哲、赵武、胡晓、吴小海、熊志兵等人用中英文向过往民众讲述真相,援引国际调查报告与法庭裁决,揭露这场被掩盖已久的反人类罪行。总指挥王魏晋在演讲中指出,受害者不仅包括法轮功学员、维吾尔人、藏人、基督徒,还包括无数因信仰、民族或政治立场而被关押的中国公民,他们被抽血、体检,不是为了治病,而是为了成为交易中的“器官匹配”。

曼彻斯特的抗议虽规模较小,却同样凝聚着坚定的信念。被害者的照片在风中飘动,口号声与伦敦的呼喊遥相呼应,唤起了途经市民的好奇与愤慨。有人当场表示,将关注这一问题并向更多人传播真相。

值得一提的是,本次活动中,中国民主党英国总部的部分党员在王魏晋的呼吁下,慷慨解囊为人权事业募捐,当日共筹集 690英镑,捐款名单如下:
• 王魏晋:£200
• 雷喜哲:£100
• 熊志兵:£20
• 吴小海:£20
• 林钟:£300
• 李申耀:£20
• 张学美:£30

另有一名不愿透露姓名的党员愿意认捐高达数千美元的第一届刘晓波人权奖全额奖金!

王魏晋表示,中国民主党英国总部将持续展开多种多样的募捐活动,所有募捐的款项将全部用于推动国际社会关注中国的人权状况、支持受害群体,并持续揭露中共的暴行。

集会在和平有序中结束,但抗议者的决心并未消散。中国民主党英国总部强调,这只是持久抗争的一个章节,他们将继续在英国乃至国际舞台发声,呼吁成立独立调查委员会,敦促各国采取制裁措施,并要求全球医疗界切断与涉案机构的合作,直到非法活摘器官的罪行被彻底终结。

中国民主党英国总部总指挥: 王魏晋 

副总指挥:卢灵飞、韦崇华、黄天。

活动策划者:王魏晋、卢灵飞、韦崇华、黄天。

党员演讲名单:王魏晋、卢灵飞、韦崇华、黄天、雷喜哲、赵武、胡晓、吴小海、熊志兵。

党员出席名单:王魏晋、卢灵飞、韦崇华、雷喜哲、李申耀、熊志兵、俞杰辉、吴志芬、赵武、林钟、吴小海、胡晓、张学美、黄天 、吴冉、廖柳燕、黄晓凤、杨诚名言、李涛、丁晨光、Lz Tan、范可为、周凤雄、温作团、邬勇、王涛、杨体和、钟淑琴

中国民主党英国总部供稿。

UK Headquarters of the China Democracy Party Holds Protest Outside Chinese Embassy Against the CCP’s Illegal Harvesting of Human Organs

London & Manchester, 13 August 2025 — In early autumn London, the UK Headquarters of the China Democracy Party (CDP UK) staged a powerful protest opposite the Chinese Embassy, under the banner “Oppose the CCP’s Illegal Harvesting of Human Organs”. At the same time, over a hundred miles away in Manchester, CDP UK members gathered outside the Chinese Consulate, holding banners in solidarity with London, sending the same urgent call to the world.

In London, more than twenty party members and supporters stood shoulder-to-shoulder, holding not only protest banners but also photographs of victims and missing persons — some showing the innocent faces of children. Those once-bright smiles, now frozen in cold images, formed a heart-wrenching contrast to the crimes behind them. Passers-by stopped, some quietly asking questions, others with tears in their eyes, and some recording the scene on their phones. Several foreign onlookers, after learning about the situation, expressed shock and pledged their support on the spot.

Chants surged like waves outside the embassy: “Oppose the CCP’s illegal harvesting of human organs! Release political prisoners! We want democracy, we want freedom! Nationalise the army! Lift the bans on political parties and the press! Xi Jinping step down! Down with the Communist Party!” These were not only shouts of anger but also appeals to conscience.

Speakers took turns to address the crowd — Wang Weijin, Lu Lingfei, Wei Chonghua, Huang Tian, Lei Xizhe, Zhao Wu, Hu Xiao, Wu Xiaohai and Xiong Zhibing spoke in both Chinese and English to passing pedestrians, citing international investigative reports and court rulings that have exposed this long-concealed crime against humanity. Event commander Wang Weijin pointed out that the victims were not only Falun Gong practitioners, Uyghurs, Tibetans and Christians, but also countless Chinese citizens imprisoned for their beliefs, ethnicity, or political stance. Many were subjected to blood tests and medical examinations — not for treatment, but to prepare them as “organ matches” in a lucrative trade.

In Manchester, though smaller in scale, the protest carried the same unwavering resolve. Victims’ photographs fluttered in the wind, and the chants echoed those in London, sparking curiosity and outrage among local passers-by. Some pledged to follow the issue closely and spread the truth further.

Notably, during the event, some CDP UK members responded to Wang Weijin’s call to contribute to the human rights cause, raising a total of £690 on the day. Donations were as follows:

  • Wang Weijin: £200
  • Lei Xizhe: £100
  • Xiong Zhibing: £20
  • Wu Xiaohai: £20
  • Lin Zhong: £300
  • Li Shenyao: £20
  • Zhang Xuemei: £30

In addition, an anonymous member pledged to cover the full prize — amounting to several thousand US dollars — for the first Liu Xiaobo Human Rights Award.

Wang Weijin stated that CDP UK would continue to organise diverse fundraising activities, with all proceeds going towards raising international awareness of China’s human rights situation, supporting victims, and continuing to expose the CCP’s atrocities.

The protest concluded peacefully and in good order, but the determination of the demonstrators did not fade. CDP UK emphasised that this was just one chapter in a sustained struggle. They vowed to keep raising their voices in the UK and on the international stage, calling for the establishment of an independent investigation committee, urging governments to impose sanctions, and pressing the global medical community to sever ties with institutions involved, until the crime of illegal organ harvesting is completely eradicated.

CDP UK Commander: Wang Weijin

Deputy Commanders: Lu Lingfei, Wei Chonghua, Huang Tian

Event Organisers: Wang Weijin, Lu Lingfei, Wei Chonghua, Huang Tian

Speakers: Wang Weijin, Lu Lingfei, Wei Chonghua, Huang Tian, Lei Xizhe, Zhao Wu, Hu Xiao, Wu Xiaohai, Xiong Zhibing

Attendees: Wang Weijin, Lu Lingfei, Wei Chonghua, Lei Xizhe, Li Shenyao, Xiong Zhibing, Yu Jiehui, Wu Zhifen, Zhao Wu, Lin Zhong, Wu Xiaohai, Hu Xiao, Zhang Xuemei, Huang Tian, Wu Ran, Liao Liuyan, Huang Xiaofeng, Yang Cheng Mingyan, Li Tao, Ding Chenguang, Lz Tan, Fan Kewei, Zhou Fengxiong, Wen Zuotuan, Wu Yong, Wang Tao, Yang Tihe, Zhong Shuqin

Submitted by the UK Headquarters of the China Democracy Party

全球民运力量聚焦伦敦:中国民主党英国总部与中国行动、公民抵抗协会联合发布《全民反抗运动宣言》 Global Pro-Democracy Forces Focus on London: UK Headquarters of the China Democracy Party, China Action, and Citizens Resistance Association Jointly Release the “National Resistance Movement Declaration”

伦敦,2025年8月9日 —— 在全球民主与人权运动日益交织的时代,中国民主党英国总部与中国行动、公民抵抗协会在伦敦中国驻英大使馆对面联合发布《全民反抗运动宣言》。

活动当天,伦敦气温高于往日,烈日炙烤街道,约五十名来自英国各地及其他国家的民运人士、人权活动者和国际支持者,冒着高温聚集在现场,挥舞横幅,高喊“自由!民主!文明!”、“习近平下台!”、“共产党下台!”等口号,引来过往行人驻足拍照、录影,有人上前询问并表示支持。

宣言发布采取接力朗读的形式,演讲者依次为:马健、王魏晋、雷喜哲、方县桂、程敏、东土耳其斯坦人权活动家拉希玛·马赫穆特(Rahima Mahmut)、王超华、章斌、温作团。在宣言接力中,活动总指挥王魏晋代表中国民主党英国总部发表演讲,还朗诵了十一年前创作的呼吁全民反抗的诗作《金陵》。这首诗借古都金陵的历史兴衰与人民抗争,折射出中国几千年专制循环的沉痛与对自由的呼唤。结尾将胜败比喻为棋局,令人感叹胜败乃兵家常事,即使历经挫折,也要重拾信心、再举旌旗、收复满目疮痍的旧河山。


宣读过程中,伦敦现场聚集了来自英国各地及其他国家的民运人士、人权活动者和国际社会支持者。与此同时,英国曼彻斯特的中国民主党英国总部部分党员也举行了呼应集会,与伦敦同步发声,形成南北呼应的全球性声势。

宣言的全球意义


《全民反抗运动宣言》明确提出,在三年时间内发动全国范围的非暴力不合作运动,以终结数千年的专制制度并建立持久民主政体。宣言不仅系统列举了中国当前在政治、经济、社会、信仰、民族政策等领域的系统性压迫,还提出了从零散抗议走向计划化、战略化、全球化协作的路径。

宣言强调,非暴力抗争在过去半个世纪的国际民主化进程中成功率更高,呼吁中国人民学习非暴力的知识与技巧,以罢工、抵制、游行等多种形式在全国范围形成持续性压力。这一战略转向被国际舆论视为中国公民运动在组织化与全球协调上的重要升级。

国际回应与战略转折
来自英国及其他国家的民主人士与人权机构代表表示,《全民反抗运动宣言》的发布是“民运从分散走向整体规划的关键一步”,并可能成为未来三年中国民主化进程的核心行动指南。一位英国议会议员在社交平台上评论:“这是全球民主阵营与专制对抗中的一次重要信号,中国人民并不孤单。”

多家国际媒体报道指出,伦敦作为全球政治舞台之一,其象征意义远超地理位置;而曼彻斯特、欧洲、美洲等地的同步呼应,表明中国海外民运力量正在形成跨区域、跨国界的联动模式。北美、欧洲其他城市以及亚洲部分地区的华人社群也在关注并参与这一全球性的全民反抗运动。

历史在场,未来召唤

当天的集会不仅是宣言的发布,更像是一场全球化的动员令。从诗歌到政治宣言,从伦敦到曼彻斯特,从英国到欧洲、美洲、大洋洲,从中国大陆到世界各地的华人社区,这一刻被许多人视为中国民运史上的新篇章。正如宣言结尾所言:“我们奋起,我们前行,我们将胜利。”

中国民主党英国总部总指挥:王魏晋
中国民主党英国总部副总指挥:卢灵飞
中国行动、公民抵抗协会总指挥:马健

活动组织者:马健、王魏晋、卢灵飞
党员演讲名单:王魏晋、雷喜哲、程敏、温作团
党员出席名单:王魏晋、卢灵飞、黄天、雷喜哲、王涛、赵玉莲、李申耀、黄晓凤、吴小海、戴超、戴雪梅、李皓博、林明强、兰子明、赵武、丁晨光、王建、成小丹、温作团、范可为、张学美、侯尔斌、程敏、周凤雄、邬勇、熊志兵、韦崇华、徐伟华、杨溯、许少男、冯林、李涛、徐夏颖。

中国民主党英国总部供稿
2025年8月9日

Global Pro-Democracy Forces Focus on London: UK Headquarters of the China Democracy Party, China Action, and Citizens Resistance Association Jointly Release the “National Resistance Movement Declaration”

London, 9 August 2025 – Against the backdrop of an increasingly interconnected global movement for democracy and human rights, the UK Headquarters of the China Democracy Party, together with China Action and the Citizens Resistance Association, jointly released the National Resistance Movement Declaration outside the Chinese Embassy in London.

On the day of the event, temperatures in London soared above seasonal norms. Braving the heat, around fifty pro-democracy activists, human rights advocates, and international supporters from across the UK and abroad gathered at the site, waving banners and chanting slogans such as “Freedom! Democracy! Civilisation!”, “Xi Jinping, step down!” and “Down with the Communist Party!”. Their actions attracted passers-by, some of whom stopped to take photos and videos, ask questions, and express their support.

The declaration was delivered in a relay reading, with speeches from: Ma Jian, Wang Weijin, Lei Xizhe, Fang Xiangui, Cheng Min, Rahima Mahmut (a human rights activist from East Turkestan), Wang Chaohua, Zhang Bin, and Wen Zuotuan. During the relay, Wang Weijin, the General Commander of the UK Headquarters of the China Democracy Party, gave a speech on behalf of the organisation and recited his poem Jinling, written eleven years ago as a call for national resistance. The poem uses the history and struggles of the ancient capital Jinling to reflect China’s millennia-old cycle of despotism and the yearning for freedom. Its conclusion likens victory and defeat to a chess game, reminding listeners that setbacks are part of the struggle, and that one must rise again, rally the banners, and reclaim a ravaged homeland.

While the London rally was in progress, members of the UK Headquarters of the China Democracy Party also held a simultaneous solidarity gathering in Manchester, ensuring a north–south resonance that amplified the movement’s global momentum.

Global significance of the declaration

The National Resistance Movement Declaration explicitly calls for a nationwide, three-year campaign of non-violent non-cooperation to end millennia of autocracy and establish a lasting democratic system. The declaration details the systematic oppression currently taking place in China across political, economic, social, religious, and ethnic policy spheres, and outlines a pathway from scattered protests to planned, strategic, and globally coordinated action.

It stresses that non-violent resistance has had a higher success rate in democratic transitions over the past half-century, urging the Chinese people to learn the knowledge and skills of peaceful protest, and to use strikes, boycotts, marches, and other sustained actions to exert pressure nationwide. International commentators have described this strategic shift as an important step in upgrading China’s civil movement towards greater organisation and global coordination.

International response and strategic shift

Pro-democracy activists and human rights groups from the UK and beyond welcomed the declaration, calling it “a key step in moving from fragmented activism to coordinated planning” and suggesting it could become a core action blueprint for China’s democratisation in the next three years. A British MP commented on social media: “This is a significant signal in the global struggle between democracy and tyranny – the people of China are not alone.”

International media reports emphasised that London’s role as a global political stage carries symbolic weight beyond geography, and that the coordinated actions in Manchester, as well as in Europe and the Americas, demonstrated a growing cross-regional and cross-border alliance among the Chinese pro-democracy diaspora. Chinese communities in North America, Europe, and parts of Asia have also been following and joining the global resistance movement.

History present, future calling

The rally was not only the launch of the declaration, but also a mobilisation call on a global scale. From poetry to political statement, from London to Manchester, from the UK to Europe, the Americas and Oceania, and from mainland China to overseas Chinese communities worldwide, this moment is seen by many as a new chapter in the history of the Chinese democracy movement. As the declaration concludes: “We rise, we march forward, we shall prevail.”

General Commander, UK Headquarters of the China Democracy Party: Wang Weijin

Deputy General Commander, UK Headquarters of the China Democracy Party: Lu Lingfei

General Commander, China Action and Citizens Resistance Association: Ma Jian

Event organisers: Ma Jian, Wang Weijin, Lu Lingfei

Party members delivering speeches: Wang Weijin, Lei Xizhe, Cheng Min, Wen Zuotuan

Party members present: Wang Weijin, Lu Lingfei, Huang Tian, Lei Xizhe, Wang Tao, Zhao Yulian, Li Shenyao, Huang Xiaofeng, Wu Xiaohai, Dai Chao, Dai Xuemei, Li Haobo, Lin Mingqiang, Lan Ziming, Zhao Wu, Ding Chengguang, Wang Jian, Cheng Xiaodan, Wen Zuotuan, Fan Kewei, Zhang Xuemei, Hou Erbin, Cheng Min, Zhou Fengxiong, Wu Yong, Xiong Zhibing, Wei Chonghua, Xu Weihua, Yang Su, Xu Shaonan, Feng Lin, Li Tao, Xu Xiaying.

Submitted by: UK Headquarters of the China Democracy Party

Date: 9 August 2025

对于指控中国政府活摘器官的一些思考 Reflections on the Allegations of Organ Harvesting by the Chinese Government

作者:中国民主党英国总部党员程敏

一.绝对的权力掌控

众所周知,在中国共产党拥有绝对的权力,对社会方方面面的掌控力度放眼五千年历史也是独此一家,在这种掌控力度下, 说一句为所欲为绝不是夸大,相反,中共建政数十年来从大跃进到文革,再到八九六四事件,从习近平修改宪法实现连任实现皇帝美梦再到2022年的白纸革命,中国的基本盘始终未曾动摇,也反映了共产党统治的稳固性。所以,在如此强力的极权体制下,中共出于自身利益做出任何极端行为,都不令我意外。

二.媒体和民众基本丧失监督权

习治下的中国,言论自由空间相较于胡温时期再次大幅收窄。如果说胡温时期的言论自由是一条臭不可闻的水沟,但还有几条诸如南方系的清道夫在言论管控的夹缝中勉强游动,偶尔还能看到媒体对于公权力滥用的质问与抨击,例如2011年甬台温铁路列车追尾事故,多位记者义愤填膺地轮番质问官方救援行动罔顾生命,结果发言人情急之下竟说出“至于你信不信,我反正信了”的荒唐发言。而前中国国家总理温家宝还曾忧国忧民的“真切”表情而在民间喜提“影帝”的称号,彼时的中国,媒体还能隐约行使“第四权力”,人民也不会对政府俯首帖耳。

但今日之中国,习近平早已大权独揽,唯我独尊,共产党的统治逻辑也从前些年的”党内民主“退化到了今日的“顺昌逆亡”,人民面对社会问题和公权力滥用也是敢怒不敢言,谁也不敢做出头鸟,每当有恶性社会事件发生时,人们总是对房间里的大象视而不见,只敢将矛头对准资本和中下级官员,比如近期发生的甘肃天水儿童“血铅超标”事件,如果不是联合国介入发表文章表示关切,中共大概率不会提级调查,而是会和以前的所有类似事件一样,通过删帖,禁言,对受害者施压来强行压制舆论,再找几个替死鬼出来平息民愤,等待风波逐渐平息。而媒体也都是噤若寒蝉,不敢对官方有任何质疑,一切唯官媒马首是瞻,所以说一句中国人已经基本丧失对公权力的监督权我认为并不为过。

三.各种交叉证据以及蛛丝马迹

我相信中国存在活摘器官的第三点,是出于国际组织甚至中共自己公开的各种相关数据和报告,以及大量存在的影像及文字资料,比如韩国调查记者暗访天津某医院拍摄的《Investigative Report 7》,揭露了自2000年以来约有20000名韩国人在中国接受了器官移植手术。而中国政府对此的解释是器官移植手术存在,但都来源于合法捐赠,而这一说法也遭到多个国际机构的质疑,例如捐赠者数量与移植手术数量完全不匹配,等待匹配与移植的时间太短,不符合常理,而有鉴于器官移植本身的时效性非常严格,另外有大量的交叉证据也一直佐证这件事,例如中国肝脏移植专家郑树森发表的器官移植论文中因为有高达500余例手术无法提供器官来源而被撤销论文,再考虑到中国自2000-2017年间捐献器官总数为14000–16000例,再联想到韩国,台湾,日本等地多年来都有“换器官来中国”的传统,就难免会让人产生怀疑了,这些证据虽然无法单独构成活摘器官的“铁证”,但当它们交叉出现时,就形成了一个无法忽视的逻辑闭环。尤其是在一个信息高度不透明、外部监督无从进行的独裁政体中,我们有充足理由对其“合法供体”说法持强烈怀疑。

总结

那么,基于我对中国政府有组织活摘人体器官的怀疑,我们应该如何对待这种极其恶劣和恐怖的政府行为呢?我认为,一方面我们应该谴责抨击这种由国家政府主持的践踏生命与人权的恐怖行为,呼吁更多的国际组织干预与制裁,令中国政府投鼠忌器。另一方面,我们应当建立档案,收集整理一切可信度高的相关资料,帮助受害者讨回公道。而第三,也是很多人会忽视的一点,我认为一切指控都要基于逻辑与证据,对于公权力的合理怀疑可以适当放宽限制,但在没有任何实际证据的基础上,不要贸然给所有器官移植甚至失踪案件都扣上一顶“被活摘了”的帽子,这样只会影响我们自身言论的可信度,同时也是对那些真的被摘取了器官的受害者的侮辱与否定,中共是一碗墨水,掺入清水也无济于事,相反,如果我们在谴责与指控中混入大量的情绪输出与谣言,却会轻易自污,我们不要做墨水,去做清水吧!


Reflections on the Allegations of Organ Harvesting by the Chinese Government

By Cheng Min, Member of the UK Headquarters of the China Democracy Party

1. Absolute Power and Control

It is widely recognised that the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) wields absolute power, exercising control over all aspects of Chinese society in a way that is arguably unparalleled in the last five thousand years of Chinese history. Under such a regime, the phrase “doing whatever it pleases” is not an exaggeration. On the contrary, the history of the CCP’s rule—from the Great Leap Forward and the Cultural Revolution to the Tiananmen Massacre in 1989, and from Xi Jinping’s constitutional amendment enabling indefinite re-election to the White Paper Movement in 2022—demonstrates the resilience of the regime’s grip on power. Given the authoritarian nature of this system, I am not surprised by any extreme action the CCP may take to serve its own interests.

2. The Loss of Media and Public Oversight

Under Xi Jinping’s leadership, China’s already limited space for free speech has shrunk dramatically compared to the Hu-Wen era. If we liken the Hu-Wen period’s freedom of speech to a filthy, stinking gutter, at least there were still a few independent-minded media outlets—such as those under the Southern Media Group—doing their best to survive in the cracks. Occasionally, the media even managed to question and criticise abuses of state power. For example, in the wake of the Wenzhou high-speed train crash in 2011, outraged journalists publicly grilled officials on the government’s disregard for human life. The spokesperson famously blurted out, “Whether you believe it or not, I believe it.” Meanwhile, Premier Wen Jiabao’s performative empathy earned him the popular title of “best actor.” At that time, the media still had some vestige of a fourth estate, and the public did not fully bow down to authority.

But in today’s China, Xi Jinping holds power like an emperor, commanding absolute loyalty. The Party’s internal democracy has regressed into a “submit or perish” dynamic. When social problems arise or abuses of power occur, citizens remain silent for fear of reprisal. Whenever a major scandal erupts, the public deliberately ignores the elephant in the room, instead directing their anger at capitalists or lower-level officials. Take, for example, the recent blood lead poisoning incident affecting children in Tianshui, Gansu. If not for the intervention of the United Nations, it is likely the central government would not have launched a higher-level investigation. As with many past cases, the typical response would have been censorship, suppression of victims, and token scapegoats to pacify public anger. The media is now completely silent, taking cues only from state-run outlets. In this climate, I believe it is fair to say the Chinese people have lost nearly all ability to supervise or hold government power to account.

3. Cross-Corroborated Evidence and Circumstantial Clues

My belief in the existence of organ harvesting in China stems from a range of sources, including international reports, government data, and both video and written records. For instance, the Korean documentary Investigative Report 7—based on an undercover investigation at a hospital in Tianjin—revealed that since 2000, over 20,000 South Koreans have received organ transplants in China. In response, the Chinese government claimed all organs came from legal donations. However, this explanation has been widely questioned by international bodies: the number of transplants far exceeds the number of known donors, and the waiting times for matched organs are implausibly short given the strict timing required for viable transplants.

Further supporting evidence includes the retraction of liver transplant specialist Zheng Shusen’s academic paper due to his inability to disclose the source of over 500 organs. Between 2000 and 2017, China officially reported only 14,000 to 16,000 organ donations. Yet it is well known that patients from South Korea, Taiwan, and Japan have travelled to China for organ transplants. These contradictions raise serious doubts. While no single piece of evidence conclusively proves forced organ harvesting, the sheer weight of cross-referenced data forms a troubling and hard-to-ignore logical framework. In a regime that is both opaque and immune to external oversight, we have every reason to strongly doubt the claim that all organ sources are lawful.

4. Conclusion

Given the reasons outlined above, how should we respond to what would be an unspeakably grave crime by a government—namely, the organised harvesting of human organs? First, we must condemn and expose these inhumane violations of life and human rights, urging greater international scrutiny and sanctions that might deter the Chinese government from acting with impunity. Second, we must document and archive credible information to support future justice for victims.

Third—and this point is often overlooked—we must maintain our credibility by grounding all accusations in logic and evidence. While it is reasonable to adopt a lower threshold of suspicion when dealing with abuses of state power, we must not rush to label every transplant or missing persons case as organ harvesting without firm proof. Doing so would weaken the credibility of our movement and dishonour the true victims of such crimes.

The Chinese Communist Party is like a bowl of black ink—adding clean water changes nothing. But if we allow emotional outbursts and unverified rumours to contaminate our accusations, we risk smearing ourselves and diluting the moral clarity of our cause. Let us not become part of the darkness. Let us strive to be the clear water.

中国民主党英国总部在中国驻英大使馆前纪念刘晓波逝世八周年 UK Headquarters of China Democracy Party Commemorates the 8th Anniversary of Liu Xiaobo’s Death in Front of Chinese Embassy in London

2025年7月13日,正值诺贝尔和平奖得主、著名异议人士刘晓波逝世八周年之际,中国民主党英国总部在中共驻英大使馆门前举行抗议示威活动,悼念这位为中国民主事业献身的知识分子,并呼吁中共当局释放所有良心犯,推进民主宪政进程。此次活动是中国民主党英国总部参加中国民阵和欧洲之声联合举办的全球纪念在线联动活动的一部分,旨在跨越地域限制,汇聚全球华人对刘晓波精神的纪念与坚守。

刘晓波因起草《零八宪章》,倡导中国进行政治体制改革,于2009年被中共当局以“煽动颠覆国家政权罪”判处11年有期徒刑。2010年,他在狱中荣获诺贝尔和平奖,成为中国历史上首位在押获奖者。2017年7月13日,刘晓波肝癌于狱中病逝,终年61岁。

当日下午1时,抗议活动在伦敦中国驻英大使馆外正式开始。尽管当天伦敦气温高达32摄氏度,骄阳似火、酷热难耐,现场参与者依然全程坚持站立,无一退缩。大家身着整洁服装,神情庄重肃穆,汗水浸湿了衣襟,脚步却始终坚定,展现出高度的组织纪律性与政治信念。

参与者手持写有“言论自由无罪”、“释放所有政治犯”、“刘晓波精神不死”等标语,高喊口号,强烈谴责中共专制政权对人权的持续打压。多名参与者胸前佩戴象征和平与自由的白丝带,并在现场点燃蜡烛,以表达沉痛哀悼。白烛在烈日下摇曳,烛光虽微,却如火种般传递着自由之光。

活动期间,中国民主党英国总部多位党员代表在发言的时候共同指出:“八年前,刘晓波在被非法关押期间死于肝癌,中国政府剥夺他接受自由治疗的权利,是对基本人权的赤裸裸践踏。今天,我们在海外继续为他的理想——民主运动——奋斗,这正是对专制最有力的控诉。”

整场抗议活动和平有序,持续约一小时,期间吸引多位伦敦市民驻足围观,并有部分民众加入队伍表达声援。烈日之下,志愿者们坚持手举标语牌,队伍整齐肃静,展现出坚定的信念和不屈的意志。组织方表示,将继续在每年7月13日前后举行纪念活动,确保刘晓波的精神不会在沉默中被遗忘。

在活动尾声,全体党员庄严肃立,为刘晓波逝世默哀一分钟。人群中寂静无声,只有蜡烛轻微的燃烧声与夏风拂动旗帜的声音,仿佛整个伦敦都在这一刻为他沉思。

在法国巴黎,中国民主党英国总部顾问黄华先生在纪念会上宣布设立“刘晓波人权奖”。该奖由廖天琪,潘永忠,王冠儒,黄华,Thomas Hao共同设立。

中国民主党英国总部党员李皓博供稿
2025年7月13日

活动组织者:卢灵飞,李皓博,朱嗣勇
发言党员名单:卢灵飞,雷喜哲、赵武,朱嗣勇
活动参与党员:
卢灵飞,李皓博,朱嗣勇,赵武,丁晨光,王魏晋,王建,张学美,候尔斌,何智威,吕建启,成小丹,杨溯,韦崇华,黄晓凤,雷喜哲,徐夏颖,戴超,范可为,兰子明,顾晓峰,俞杰辉,吴志芬,戴雪梅,赵玉莲,李涛,冯林

UK Headquarters of China Democracy Party Commemorates the 8th Anniversary of Liu Xiaobo’s Death in Front of Chinese Embassy in London

On July 13, 2025, marking the 8th anniversary of the death of Nobel Peace Prize laureate and renowned dissident Liu Xiaobo, the UK Headquarters of China Democracy Party held a protest in front of the Chinese Embassy in London. The demonstration was a tribute to Liu Xiaobo’s lifelong dedication to China’s democratic movement and a call for the immediate release of all prisoners of conscience and the advancement of constitutional democracy in China. The event was part of a global online commemorative action jointly organized by the China Democracy Front and Voice of Europe, uniting overseas Chinese communities across borders in remembrance of Liu’s legacy.

Liu Xiaobo was sentenced to 11 years in prison in 2009 by the Chinese authorities for “inciting subversion of state power” after co-authoring Charter 08, a manifesto calling for political reform in China. In 2010, he was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize while in prison, becoming the first Chinese citizen to receive the honor while incarcerated. He died of liver cancer on July 13, 2017, while still in custody, at the age of 61.

The protest began at 1 p.m. local time despite sweltering heat, with temperatures reaching 32°C in London. Undeterred by the scorching sun, participants stood throughout the event, maintaining solemn expressions and demonstrating unwavering discipline and political conviction. Dressed neatly and solemnly, many had their shirts soaked in sweat, but no one left the scene.

Protesters held placards bearing slogans such as “Freedom of Speech Is Not a Crime,” “Free All Political Prisoners,” and “Liu Xiaobo’s Spirit Lives On.” White ribbons, symbolizing peace and liberty, were worn by many, and candles were lit in mourning. Though flickering in the midday heat, the flames symbolized the enduring light of freedom.

Representatives of the UK Headquarters of China Democracy Party addressed the crowd, stating:

“Eight years ago, Liu Xiaobo died of liver cancer while illegally detained. The Chinese government’s denial of his right to receive medical treatment abroad was a blatant violation of basic human rights. Today, we continue his fight for democracy from overseas — this is our strongest condemnation of authoritarianism.”

The peaceful protest lasted for about an hour and drew the attention of several local residents, some of whom joined the demonstration in solidarity. Under the intense sun, volunteers held their signs firmly, the crowd standing in orderly silence — a testament to their conviction and resolve. Organizers pledged to hold annual memorials around July 13 to ensure Liu Xiaobo’s legacy is never forgotten.

At the event’s conclusion, all party members stood in a moment of silence to honor Liu Xiaobo. A hush fell over the crowd — only the sound of flickering candles and rustling flags could be heard, as if all of London paused in reflection.

Meanwhile, in Paris, UK Headquarters advisor Mr. Huang Hua announced the establishment of the “Liu Xiaobo Human Rights Award.” The award was co-founded by Liao Tianqi, Pan Yongzhong, Wang Guanru, Huang Hua, and Thomas Hao.

Submitted by: Li Haobo,

Date: July 13, 2025

Organizers: Lu Lingfei, Li Haobo, Zhu Siyong

Speakers: Lu Lingfei, Lei Xizhe, Zhao Wu, Zhu Siyong

Participants:

Lu Lingfei, Li Haobo, Zhu Siyong, Zhao Wu, Ding Chenguang, Wang Weijin, Wang Jian, Zhang Xuemei, Hou Erbin, He Zhiwei, Lü Jianqi, Cheng Xiaodan, Yang Su, Wei Chonghua, Huang Xiaofeng, Lei Xizhe, Xu Xiaying, Dai Chao, Fan Kewei, Lan Ziming, Gu Xiaofeng, Yu Jiehui, Wu Zhifen, Dai Xuemei, Zhao Yulian, Li Tao, Feng Lin

中国民主党英国总部“七•一”抗议示威,要求中共立即释放所有政治犯 UK Headquarters of China Democracy Party Holds July 1st Protest, Demands Immediate Release of All Political Prisoners

供稿人:黄天(中国民主党英国总部)

2025年7月1日,中国共产党“建党”104周年之际,中国民主党英国总部在总部顾问黄华的率领下,前往中国驻英国大使馆门外组织抗议示威活动,要求中共立即释放所有在押政治犯。党员黄天、黄俊等协助参与了组织工作。

活动于伦敦当地时间14:00准时开始。总部顾问黄华率领党员高喊“共产党下台!”、“习近平下台!”、“释放政治犯!”等口号。黄华还在演讲中对党员们冒着烈日和酷暑参加抗议活动的热情表示了赞赏。随后,余杰辉,丁晨光,王建,卢灵飞,黄俊,黄天,王魏晋等人纷纷发表了讲话或带领党员高喊口号,表达了对于中共释放政治犯、还政于民的强烈诉求。

是日,伦敦当地气象部门发布了高温预警,酷热难耐。但是,中国民主党英国总部的党员们不畏酷暑,坚持来到现场参加活动,表现了非凡的组织性和纪律性。党员代表在现场踊跃发言,争先恐后地表达他们对于中国共产党的厌恶、抗议,和对结束一党专制、实现自由民主的坚定信念。他们中有的甚至从布莱克浦、曼彻斯特等地远道而来,在党部活动结束后,自愿前往参与其他组织主办的“七一”抗议活动。

中国共产党自1921年成立以来,在中国犯下了一系列罄竹难书的罪行,直接和间接造成的中国人民非正常死亡的数量超过一亿,远高于人类历史上任何一次已知的战争、疫病或自然灾害。中国共产党不仅是中国人民的罪人和劫难,也是危害世界和平和东北亚地区各国安全的罪魁祸首。中国共产党在“民族复兴”的妄念下,绑架全体中国人民,挑战既有国际秩序,颠覆正常国际规则,而这些秩序和规则正是老一辈中国人民通过参与世界大战、流血牺牲才换取到权利所参与制定的。中国共产党不仅是世界和平和国际承诺的背叛者,也是其所吹捧的百年屈辱历史中的“革命先烈”的背叛者,更是其用来欺骗中国人民、攫取政权的共产主义理想和工农联盟的背叛者。甚至,中国共产党自诞生之日起,就对资助和指导其发展的共产国际阳奉阴违、背信弃义,不惜在外敌环伺之时,仅仅因为莫须有的“苏联背景”,就以内部大清洗的方式对自己的同志“刀口向内”,展开大清洗运动。“背叛”一词刻在中国共产党的骨血中。中国共产党自始至终,都是一个没有理想信念、没有道德底线、没有自由追求的三无政党,生于不义,也必将亡于耻辱。

中国民主党英国总部将继续同全世界一切热爱自由的组织和个人一道,为推翻中共独裁暴政、在中国实现真正的自由与宪政而不懈奋斗。

发言党员名单:黄华,余杰辉,丁晨光,王建,卢灵飞,黄俊,黄天,王魏晋

出席党员名单:黄华,黄俊,黄天,李涛,雷喜哲,许少男,赵武,冯林,韦崇华,王魏晋,林钟,蒋蔚,王金秀,董彦均,王燕,王涛,俞杰辉,吴志芬,Kaney Huang,杨体荷,Lz Tan,范可为,丁晨光,王建,郭安迪,徐夏颖,胡晓,成小丹,蔡波,周勇,杨溯,徐伟华,林明强,侯尔斌,张学美,顾晓峰,黄晓凤,卢灵飞,戴超,温作团,周凤雄。

UK Headquarters of China Democracy Party Holds July 1st Protest, Demands Immediate Release of All Political Prisoners

Contributor: Huang Tian (UK Headquarters of China Democracy Party)

On July 1, 2025, the 104th anniversary of the founding of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), the UK Headquarters of China Democracy Party organized a protest in front of the Chinese Embassy in London. The demonstration, led by party advisor Huang Hua, called for the immediate release of all political prisoners detained by the CCP. Party members Huang Tian, Huang Jun, and others assisted in organizing the event.

The protest began promptly at 2:00 p.m. local time. Advisor Huang Hua led members in chanting slogans such as “Down with the Communist Party!”, “Step Down, Xi Jinping!”, and “Free All Political Prisoners!” In his speech, Huang praised the dedication of members who braved the extreme heat to participate. He was followed by speeches and chants from Yu Jiehui, Ding Chenguang, Wang Jian, Lu Lingfei, Huang Jun, Huang Tian, and Wang Weijin, all of whom voiced a strong demand for the CCP to release political prisoners and return power to the people.

Despite an official heat warning issued by local authorities, party members of the UK Headquarters showed remarkable determination and discipline by attending the protest in the sweltering weather. Many participants spoke passionately on site, voicing their deep resentment toward the Chinese Communist Party and expressing unwavering belief in ending one-party dictatorship and realizing freedom and democracy in China. Some members traveled from cities such as Blackpool and Manchester, and even joined other July 1st protest events after the party’s demonstration concluded.

Since its founding in 1921, the Chinese Communist Party has committed countless atrocities, directly and indirectly causing the unnatural deaths of over 100 million Chinese citizens—far surpassing the death toll of any known war, epidemic, or natural disaster in history. The CCP is not only a historical catastrophe for the Chinese people but also a major threat to world peace and regional security in Northeast Asia. Under the delusion of “national rejuvenation,” the CCP holds all Chinese citizens hostage while attempting to disrupt the international order and undermine global norms—norms that earlier generations of Chinese helped to shape through their sacrifices during the World Wars.

The CCP has betrayed not only global peace and international commitments but also the revolutionary martyrs it claims to honor and the communist ideals it once used to gain power. Even in its early days, the CCP betrayed the Comintern that funded and trained it, launching violent purges against its own comrades under vague accusations of “Soviet ties” during times of external crisis. Betrayal is etched into the CCP’s DNA. It is a party born without ideals, without morality, and without any genuine pursuit of liberty—a party born in disgrace and destined to perish in shame.

The UK Headquarters of China Democracy Party will continue to stand in solidarity with all freedom-loving individuals and organizations across the globe in the fight to overthrow CCP dictatorship and realize true constitutional democracy in China.

Speakers: Huang Hua, Yu Jiehui, Ding Chenguang, Wang Jian, Lu Lingfei, Huang Jun, Huang Tian, Wang Weijin

Attending Members: Huang Hua, Huang Jun, Huang Tian, Li Tao, Lei Xizhe, Xu Shaonan, Zhao Wu, Feng Lin, Wei Chonghua, Wang Weijin, Lin Zhong, Jiang Wei, Wang Jinxiu, Dong Yanjun, Wang Yan, Wang Tao, Yu Jiehui, Wu Zhifen, Kaney Huang, Yang Tihe, Lz Tan, Fan Kewei, Ding Chenguang, Wang Jian, Guo Andy, Xu Xiaying, Hu Xiao, Cheng Xiaodan, Cai Bo, Zhou Yong, Yang Su, Xu Weihua, Lin Mingqiang, Hou Erbin, Zhang Xuemei, Gu Xiaofeng, Huang Xiaofeng, Lu Lingfei, Dai Chao, Wen Zuotuan, Zhou Fengxiong.

中国民主党英国总部参与“Global Art Performance Action”全球声援活动 UK Headquarters of China Democracy Party Participates in “Global Art Performance Action” International Solidarity Protest

供稿人:黄天(中国民主党英国总部)

 2025年6月28日下午,中国民主党英国总部党员共计二十余人,在总部顾问黄华的带领下,前往伦敦市中心特拉法加广场参与“Global Art Performance Action”对抗中共大外宣的行为艺术活动,表达对活跃在各国的民主人士揭露中共美化叙事欺骗世界的支持。中国民主党英国总部党员黄天等人协助参与了活动的组织工作。

在活动中,中国民主党英国总部顾问黄华带领党员按照统一形式高举“Everything is fine…”系列标语,用静默抗议的方式,表达对于中共大外宣口中所谓欣欣向荣的民族复兴景象的嘲讽与唾弃,并对过往路人展示和宣传中国共产党对包括香港、台湾以及各少数民族地区人民在内的全体华人争取民主和自治权利的迫害与压制。尤其是,中国政府还将魔爪伸向了旅居海外的华人,公然进行跨国镇压活动,不仅侵犯了海外华人的权利和自由,也对他们所在国的主权和国家安全构成了严重的威胁和挑战。这进一步揭示了中国外交官口中的“互相尊重主权和领土完整、互不干涉内政”是一句彻头彻尾的政治谎言——它仅仅要求民主国家和全世界热爱自由的人们无视发生在中国的政治迫害和人权侵犯,而对别国主权、传统、价值观和国家安全毫不在意、毫无尊重。

虽然本次行为艺术抗议活动以静默形式进行,但党员的展示与嘲讽引起了过往路人的关注和共鸣,无声胜有声。中国民主党英国总部与参与活动的其他组织相互配合,团结协作,顺利实现了本次活动戳破中共外宣谎言、揭露中共国际国内的政治镇压与迫害的目的。在伦敦的心脏地带,中国民主党英国总部党员将中国共产党的弥天大谎和累累暴行展示给了络绎不绝的往来路人。活动结束后,总部顾问黄华还与党员就街头抗议活动中的注意事项进行了交流探讨,以期更多党员参与和组织更多样化的政治抗议活动,提升中国民主党英国总部的形象和知名度,扩大旅英中国异议人士的影响力。

本次活动由位于德国的港人组织Hongkongers in Germany牵头发起,在世界各国超过15个城市共同举办,相互呼应,仅在英国就有伦敦、曼彻斯特、利兹、谢菲尔德四地参与。除伦敦外,中国民主党英国总部在曼彻斯特居住的党员代表温作团、王涛等也在当地参加了声援活动,彰显了活跃在英国各地的党员的团结形象和政治参与热情。中国民主党英国总部将继续参与和支持海内外各路民主人士揭露和反抗中共暴政的活动,为推翻中共独裁暴政、在中国实现真正的宪政而不懈努力。

出席党员名单:黄华,黄天,朱嗣勇,王建,徐伟华,冯林,王魏晋,卢灵飞,范可为,王涛(曼彻斯特),温作团(曼彻斯特),张学美,侯尔斌,邬勇,顾晓峰,韦崇华,雷喜哲,刘耀行,戴超,黄晓凤,丁晨光,杨体和,钟淑琴,刘立岩,李涛。

UK Headquarters of China Democracy Party Participates in “Global Art Performance Action” International Solidarity Protest

Contributor: Huang Tian (UK Headquarters of China Democracy Party)

On the afternoon of June 28, 2025, more than twenty members of the UK Headquarters of China Democracy Party, led by party advisor Huang Hua, gathered at Trafalgar Square in central London to take part in the “Global Art Performance Action.” This protest, a form of performance art aimed at countering the CCP’s global propaganda narrative, was held to express solidarity with democracy activists worldwide who work to expose the Chinese Communist Party’s deceitful portrayals to the world. Party member Huang Tian and others assisted with organizing the event.

During the protest, advisor Huang Hua led party members in silently raising a unified series of placards reading “Everything is fine…”—a silent yet powerful satire targeting the CCP’s so-called narrative of national rejuvenation and prosperity. Through this form of demonstration, participants highlighted the oppression of democratic voices and the denial of autonomy for people across Hong Kong, Taiwan, and various ethnic minority regions. The protest also emphasized how the Chinese government has extended its repressive tactics abroad, engaging in transnational suppression of overseas Chinese. These actions seriously threaten not only the rights and freedoms of overseas communities but also the sovereignty and national security of host countries. This reveals the utter falseness of the CCP’s claims to respect for sovereignty and non-interference—it demands silence on China’s internal human rights abuses while disrespecting the sovereignty and values of others.

Although this performance art protest was silent, the visuals and message captured the attention and sympathy of many passersby. The collaboration between the UK Headquarters of China Democracy Party and other participating organizations successfully fulfilled the event’s goal: to expose the CCP’s propaganda lies and highlight its domestic and international repression. In the heart of London, party members made visible the CCP’s fabricated narratives and brutal actions to the crowds passing by. After the event, advisor Huang Hua held a discussion with party members on best practices for street protest actions, encouraging more involvement and planning of diverse political demonstrations to enhance the visibility and influence of Chinese dissidents in the UK.

The event was initiated by Hongkongers in Germany, a pro-democracy organization based in Germany, and was simultaneously held in over 15 cities worldwide. In the UK alone, coordinated actions took place in London, Manchester, Leeds, and Sheffield. In Manchester, party members Wen Zuotuan and Wang Tao also participated in local solidarity activities, demonstrating the unity and political commitment of members across the UK. The UK Headquarters of China Democracy Party will continue to support domestic and overseas efforts to resist the CCP’s tyranny and fight for a truly constitutional and democratic China.

Participating Party Members: Huang Hua, Huang Tian, Zhu Siyong, Wang Jian, Xu Weihua, Feng Lin, Wang Weijin, Lu Lingfei, Fan Kewei, Wang Tao (Manchester), Wen Zuotuan (Manchester), Zhang Xuemei, Hou Erbin, Wu Yong, Gu Xiaofeng, Wei Chonghua, Lei Xizhe, Liu Yaoxing, Dai Chao, Huang Xiaofeng, Ding Chenguang, Yang Tihe, Zhong Shuqin, Liu Liyan, Li Tao.

中国民主党英国总部积极参与“6·14反对中国超级大使馆计划”大集会 China Democracy Party UK Headquarters Actively Participates in the June 14 Protest Against the “Chinese Super Embassy Plan”

与多族裔团体联手抗议中共扩张,坚决守护英国民主与主权。

撰稿人:黄俊(中国民主党英国总部党员)

2025年6月14日(周六)下午2时至5时,英国伦敦皇家铸币厂(Royal Mint Court)门前再度响起反对中共的怒吼。第四轮“反对中国超级大使馆计划”抗议集会顺利举行,吸引逾2000名来自香港、台湾、西藏、新疆及英国本地的公民参与。中国民主党英国总部组织了数十名党员到场,与港人团体并肩发声,现场气氛高涨。

本次集会聚焦两大议题:“中共全球监控网络”与“跨境打压异见人士”。大会指出,中共拟将皇家铸币厂原址改建为其欧洲最大的大使馆,实则借外交外衣输出威权,严重威胁英国国家安全、社区安宁及海外华人自由。

中国民主党代表在现场指出:“这是一次象征性的插旗,是对英国核心价值的挑衅。我们站出来,不是为了仇恨,而是为了自由与良知。”

集会前夕,部分抗议团体自发手持印有“拒绝中共插旗英国”标语的横额,缓缓步行穿越伦敦塔桥,向民众展示中共大使馆计划的威胁,呼吁社会警觉。这一行动虽因警方安全安排未能正式列入行程,却成为网络热传的亮点之一。

为保障参与者权益,本次活动亦设有法律支援服务,协助处理可能的执法冲突与现场应对。大会呼吁所有参与者冷静、有序、合法表达意见,避免落入挑衅圈套。

我们呼吁:

英国政府必须立即否决中国改建大使馆的申请,保障国家主权,维护基本人权。自由不是天然存在,而是代代人用行动捍卫而来。

中国民主党英国总部

2025年6月14日

活动组织者: 黄俊、黄天

协助组织者: 邬勇

党员出席名单:

黄俊、黄天、冯林、杨体荷、王燕、董彦均、王金秀、王建、王魏晋、李濤、温作团、俞杰辉、吴志芬、Kaney Huang、王涛、成小丹、Lz Tan、许少男、白林、范可为、蒋蔚、雷喜哲、韦崇华、张石头、杨溯、丁晨光、赵武、邬勇、侯尔斌、张学美、卢灵飞、刘耀行、戴超、顾晓峰

China Democracy Party UK Headquarters Actively Participates in the June 14 Protest Against the “Chinese Super Embassy Plan”

Joining Multi-Ethnic Groups to Oppose CCP Expansion and Defend British Democracy and Sovereignty

Author: Jun Huang (Member of China Democracy Party Headquarters)

On Saturday, June 14, 2025, from 2:00 PM to 5:00 PM, protest chants once again echoed outside Royal Mint Court in London. The fourth round of demonstrations against the “Chinese Super Embassy Plan” was successfully held, attracting over 2,000 participants from Hong Kong, Taiwan, Tibet, Xinjiang, and the local British community. The China Democracy Party UK Headquarters mobilized dozens of party members to join the event, standing in solidarity with Hong Kong groups in a powerful show of resistance.

The rally focused on two main themes: “China’s Global Surveillance Network” and “Cross-border Repression of Dissidents.” Organizers warned that the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) plans to convert the Royal Mint Court site into its largest embassy in Europe—an act cloaked in diplomacy but aimed at exporting authoritarian influence, endangering UK national security, local community safety, and the freedoms of overseas Chinese.

A representative from the China Democracy Party declared on-site:

“This is a symbolic act of flag-planting, a provocation to the core values of the UK. We stand up not out of hatred, but out of conscience and a pursuit of freedom.”

On the eve of the rally, some protest groups independently marched across Tower Bridge holding banners reading “Reject CCP’s Flag in the UK,” raising public awareness of the embassy’s dangers. Although this action was not officially part of the event due to police safety arrangements, it went viral online and became a powerful visual highlight.

To safeguard participants’ rights, the protest provided legal support services to help handle potential law enforcement conflicts and ensure onsite response strategies. Organizers urged all attendees to remain calm, orderly, and lawful in expressing their views, and not to fall into provocation traps.

Our Call to Action:

The UK government must immediately reject China’s application to redevelop the embassy site, defend national sovereignty, and protect fundamental human rights. Freedom is not born naturally—it is earned through generations of struggle and action.

China Democracy Party UK Headquarters

June 14, 2025

Lead Organizers: Jun Huang, Tian Huang

Co-organizer: Yong Wu

Attending Party Members:

Jun Huang, Tian Huang, Lin Feng, Tihe Yang, Yan Wang, Yanjun Dong, Jinxiu Wang, Jian Wang, Weijin Wang, Tao Li, Zuotuan Wen, Jiehui Yu, Zhifen Wu, Kaney Huang, Tao Wang, Xiaodan Cheng, Lz Tan, Shaonan Xu, Lin Bai, Kewei Fan, Wei Jiang, Xizhe Lei, Chonghua Wei, Shitou Zhang, Su Yang, Chenguang Ding, Wu Zhao, Yong Wu, Erbin Hou, Xuemei Zhang, Lingfei Lu, Yaohang Liu, Chao Dai, Xiaofeng Gu

坚持和平理性非暴力的原则,推动中国走向民主,自由,法治,人权的强大繁荣国家 Upholding the Principles of Peace, Rationality, and Nonviolence to Build a Strong, Free, Democratic, and Law-Based China

黄华

2025年6月4日于伦敦

各位朋友,大家好。

今天我们在这里,纪念1989年6月4日——三十六年前,那场震惊世界的悲剧。三十六年前的今天,年轻的学生、市民在北京的街头高呼“反腐败、要民主”,他们是和平的,是理性的,是非暴力的。他们的理想是建设一个更加公正、自由的中国。

然而,国家机器却用坦克和子弹回应了这些和平的诉求。这不仅是对人的生命的践踏,更是对国家良知的深重伤害。它让一代人的梦想被血洗,也让整个民族陷入漫长的沉默。

三十六年过去了,记忆依然不能被抹去。正是因为这一历史悲剧,我们更加坚信:只有坚持和平、理性、非暴力的原则,只有坚持用道义与真理唤醒社会,用对话和行动推动变革,中国才可能真正成为一个尊重民主、自由、法治与人权的强大繁荣国家。

很多人质疑:既然当年的学生坚持和平、绝食、对话,最后仍然被坦克碾压,那我们为什么还要坚持和平、理性、非暴力的原则?

这个质疑,是很多经历六四、或者了解六四历史的人都曾有过的。面对暴力和压制,和平是否只是软弱的象征?道义是否真的有用?下面我想从几个角度谈谈我的看法:

一、坚持和平、理性、非暴力,不是因为它能立刻奏效,而是因为它是最具正当性、最能争取广泛共识、最可持续的路径

在1989年,学生和市民所坚持的,是道义上的制高点。正因为他们是和平的、非暴力的,才让世界看到了暴政的冷酷无情。这种正当性,是历史最终会认可的力量。暴力可以暂时镇压抗议,但无法消灭一个民族对正义的记忆和追求。

相反,如果抗争也使用暴力,就会失去道义基础,社会更容易陷入混乱甚至内战,改革也更可能被毁于血腥和对立。这不仅是六四的教训,也是全球许多国家转型经验的共识。

二、六四失败的部分原因,是当时缺乏制度化渠道与公民社会基础,而不是和平方式本身的失败

六四之所以最终走向镇压,并非仅仅因为学生选择了和平,而是因为:

  • 政权结构极度封闭,权力高度集中;
  • 媒体和言论不自由,导致政府对社会的不信任;
  • 缺乏独立的中间力量(比如有影响力的公民组织、媒体、宗教界)能够调解、施压;
  • 社会尚未有足够的民主意识和制度准备。

所以,今天我们纪念六四,不是为了重演一次情绪化的抗议,而是要推动真正持久的建设:培育公民意识,建设独立社会力量,争取制度改革,而不是仅靠一次次广场上的对抗。

三、历史证明:真正成功的民主转型,几乎都来自长期、和平、渐进的努力,而不是暴力革命

请看韩国、台湾、波兰、捷克、南非,这些国家和地区走向民主法治的过程,虽然也曾有高压和牺牲,但最终靠的是社会各阶层的联动、非暴力运动的坚持、内部改革力量的觉醒。

相反,靠武力推翻政权的变革,往往带来的是另一轮专制、混乱甚至长期战乱。

四、坚持和平并不意味着软弱,而是意味着战略智慧

非暴力不是妥协,而是一种道义与策略并重的智慧。它需要组织能力、长期耐心、信息传播、文化建设,以及对民心的深耕。我们不是寄望一场浪漫的“革命”,而是推动一代又一代人的觉醒与参与,把权力关进制度的笼子里。

所以,总结来说:

六四的血,是对极权的控诉,也是对和平抗争必要性的证明。正因为那场镇压的残酷,我们才更加知道不能再重复同样的模式——不能靠情绪化的冲撞去换来自由,而要靠深思熟虑的和平变革。

中国要走向民主、自由、法治、人权的国家,不可能靠一场突如其来的斗争,而需要我们持续不断地用和平、理性、非暴力的方式——一点点撬动体制,一步步拓展空间,最终推动整个社会向前走。

谢谢大家!

Upholding the Principles of Peace, Rationality, and Nonviolence to Build a Strong, Free, Democratic, and Law-Based China

By Huang Hua

June 4, 2025, London

Dear friends, greetings to all.

Today we gather here to commemorate June 4, 1989—the tragic event that shocked the world thirty-six years ago. On this day thirty-six years ago, young students and citizens marched peacefully through the streets of Beijing, calling for an end to corruption and the pursuit of democracy. They were peaceful, rational, and nonviolent. Their vision was to build a more just and free China.

Yet, in response to these peaceful demands, the state deployed tanks and bullets. This was not only an assault on human life, but also a grave wound inflicted on the moral conscience of the nation. An entire generation’s dreams were crushed in blood, and the entire nation was plunged into prolonged silence.

Thirty-six years have passed, but this memory cannot be erased. Precisely because of this tragic history, we are even more convinced that only by upholding the principles of peace, rationality, and nonviolence, by awakening society with morality and truth, and by promoting change through dialogue and action, can China truly become a strong and prosperous nation that respects democracy, freedom, the rule of law, and human rights.

Many people ask: Since the students of 1989 pursued peace, hunger strikes, and dialogue, and were ultimately crushed by tanks, why should we continue to adhere to these principles of peace, rationality, and nonviolence?

This is a question that has been asked by many who experienced or studied the events of June 4th. When faced with violence and repression, does peace simply mean weakness? Does morality really matter?

Here, I would like to offer my thoughts from several perspectives:

I. We adhere to peace, rationality, and nonviolence not because it guarantees immediate success, but because it is the most legitimate, sustainable path that can build the broadest consensus.

In 1989, the students and citizens occupied the moral high ground. Precisely because they were peaceful and nonviolent, the world was able to clearly see the cruelty of the regime. This legitimacy is a force that history will ultimately recognize. Violence may suppress protests temporarily, but it cannot erase a people’s pursuit of justice.

On the contrary, if resistance resorts to violence, it loses moral legitimacy, and society becomes prone to chaos or even civil war. Reforms would then be derailed by bloodshed and polarization. This is not only the lesson of June 4th but also the consensus of many countries that have undergone democratic transitions.

II. The failure of June 4th was not because of the peaceful approach itself, but because there were no institutional channels or foundations for civil society at the time.

The crackdown on June 4th was not simply because students chose peace. Rather, it was because:

  • The regime was extremely closed and highly centralized;
  • Freedom of the press and speech was absent, leading to deep distrust between the government and society;
  • There were no independent mediating forces (such as strong civil organizations, media, or religious communities) to negotiate or exert pressure;
  • Society lacked sufficient democratic awareness and institutional preparation.

Therefore, today when we commemorate June 4th, we are not seeking another wave of emotional protest. Rather, we aim to foster lasting change: cultivating civic awareness, building independent social forces, and striving for institutional reform—not relying solely on repeated confrontations in public squares.

III. History shows that successful democratic transitions almost always arise from long-term, peaceful, gradual efforts—not violent revolution.

Look at South Korea, Taiwan, Poland, the Czech Republic, South Africa—their paths to democracy and the rule of law involved repression and sacrifice, but ultimately relied on the mobilization of all sectors of society, the persistence of nonviolent movements, and the awakening of internal reform forces.

By contrast, revolutions achieved through violence often result in another cycle of authoritarianism, chaos, or long-term conflict.

IV. Adhering to peace does not mean weakness—it means strategic wisdom.

Nonviolence is not compromise; it is wisdom that combines morality and strategy. It requires organization, long-term patience, information dissemination, cultural development, and the nurturing of public consciousness. We do not hope for a romantic “revolution.” Instead, we seek to awaken generation after generation, so that power can be ultimately bound by institutions.

In conclusion:

The bloodshed of June 4th is a condemnation of authoritarianism, but also a powerful reminder of the necessity of peaceful resistance. Precisely because of the brutality of that crackdown, we know that we must not repeat the same path—we cannot pursue freedom through emotional outbursts, but through carefully considered, peaceful transformation.

China’s path to becoming a nation of democracy, freedom, rule of law, and human rights will not be forged by a sudden uprising. It will require us to persist in using peaceful, rational, and nonviolent methods—gradually prying open the system, step by step expanding the space for change, and ultimately moving society forward.

Thank you all!