Junius Tian

中共政权的周围向来不缺自带干粮的“五毛”，而当代中国也恰好不乏具备“自干五”人格特质的人。

自从习近平同志的社会主义铁拳在一系列“指明方向”的举措后不断落下，我在自干五的口中听到了无数次“已觉醒”。曾几何时，自干五的“觉醒”是那样的珍贵，以至于每当一个自干五“觉醒”，都值得人们大张旗鼓地庆祝一番、感动一番。而如今，这种“觉醒”终于也变得如同中国制造一般廉价。不同的是，“觉醒”的形式各有千秋，而“觉醒”的原因却总是千篇一律。

自Covid 动态清零政策实施以来，中国经历了从全民自干五到全民“觉醒”的逆潮流发展，其迅速且富有戏剧性的程度令人惊讶。其中，中国留学生群体和精致伪小资们更是为我们贡献了其间最大的节目效果，让我们亲眼目睹了中国的Z世代是如何在短短时间内，从高喊“操你妈逼，你妈死了”迅速切换到“不要封控要吃饭，8964天安门”。

在这个全民“觉醒”的时代，一切似乎都在悄然变化，又似乎一切都始终如一。曾经的自干五高喊着与昨日截然相反的口号，却像一块刷了新漆的旧地板，仍难掩日夜发出的吱吱作响。当我们站在这个中国大门逐渐关闭的新时代蓦然回首，不禁要问：

在那个尚存推动变革希望的时代，究竟是什么让这样一个群体选择良心沉睡，为虎作伥？而在今日这长夜难明的新时代，又是什么促使他们在短短一两年内突然“觉醒”？当他们口口声声说“觉醒”时，究竟意味着什么？

忠诚教育说的荒诞

人们长期以来说着这样一个善意的谎言，中共政权的忠诚教育强大而成功，以至于那些“善良”而无知的自干五在这样的教育下长期被蒙蔽。然而，当我们摒弃自欺欺人的幻想，正视现实，就会发现——中共的忠诚教育，如同它治下的万事万物一般，始终逃不脱瓦房店化的命运。

在中国境内大大小小的教育机构中，无论是忠诚教育的执行者，还是其接受者，始终都在敷衍了事。那些做题家们口中喊着最漂亮的“自由、平等、公正、法治”，却在现实生活的方方面面处处回避与中共当局谈论“自由、平等、公正、法治”。

中共忠诚教育的实际效力，无非是一件连孩子都能轻易戳破的“皇帝新衣”。马克思主义者的傲慢使得中共政权一向吝于伪装，它的专制生硬而丑陋，统治逻辑也如所有马克思主义左棍的人格一般——鲜廉寡耻。

他们既不像普京政权那样，操控一个体面的“全民大选”以赋予自身执政合法性；也不像海湾国家那样，试图在神权和传统中寻找统治依据。他们建立了一个高喊“人人平等”，却在每个角落都渗透傲慢与优越感的社会，统治着一个声称“人民当家作主”，却连小学班长都要内定的国家。

即便如此，仍然有人坚称，自己被当局那套敷衍了事的忠诚教育洗脑长达数十年。这种说法，是多么的荒谬和讽刺。

一个人之所以成为自干五，从来不是因为接受了中共的忠诚教育；同样，一个人之所以成为自由派，也并非因为后天“觉醒”。所有的一切，只是一个简单的本质主义问题。

哪有什么“岁月静好”都是一场自欺欺人

与“觉醒”相对应的另一个词是“岁静”，即“岁月静好”之意，形容那些生于中国却声称自己不关心政治的人。然而，在我看来，“岁静”是一个伪命题，因为在左翼极权主义的统治下，没有人能真正置身事外。

我们不能苛责每一个自称“岁静”的人，因为在中国，持不同政见者也许不得不伪装“岁静”，以换取最基本的人身安全。然而，更多情况下，那些宣称自己“岁静”的人，要么是在“装外宾”，要么是在扮演“客观中立”。

中国社交媒体上充斥着“装外宾”的岁静者——那些湾区做题家和法拉盛经济移民在小红书上假装“岁静”，一方面摆出高高在上的“高等华人”姿态，在中国的劳苦大众面前炫耀优越感；另一方面，又故作客观地为中共政权低人权优势取得的经济成就沾沾自喜。

与此同时，中国各大城市CBD的伪小资们也不甘落伍的在装“岁静”。廉价的虚荣心驱使他们，即便亲身经历了极权政治带来的痛苦和压抑，仍肉麻地喊着“阿中哥哥加油”。他们假装着外宾，在极权主义的土地上东施效颦地说着欧美现代“自由派”的后现代主义潮词。

“哪有什么岁月静好，不过是有人替你负重前行。” 这句话本是中国网络审查环境下，“带路党”们为身陷囹圄的异见人士和人权活动家默默祈祷的暗语。可谁曾想到，在兔杂自干五和各路低能缝合怪的无限解构下，它竟沦为一条恶臭不堪的谄媚之词，成了奉承中共军警走狗的阿谀。

对中国的自干五而言，他们所享受的“岁静”，背后确实有人替他们负重前行。只是，这负重前行之人，并不是中共的军警，而是那些他们口中的“公知”——那些抗争恶法的709律师，那些尚存良知的网络大V，那些身陷囹圄却被他们讥讽和遗忘的“恨国”群体。他们的存在或许带不来中国的民主化，却迫使中共不得不考虑国际影响，尽力粉饰所谓的社会主义人权与法治。

即便如此，这些坚守着他人岁静的破墙，终究在自干五的欢呼声和社会主义铁拳的疾风暴雨下轰然倒塌。自干五们在日益严苛的审查下，一边自欺欺人地幻想着“岁月静好”，一边又为虎作伥，撕咬那些被打倒的“洋奴公知”。

他们不敢直视真正的暴政，却将一切苦难归咎于中国根本不存在的“资本”，但凡铁拳落下，便跪在马克思主义僭主脚下扇着自己耳光大呼“奴才该死。”可笑的是，他们的所作所为，正在亲手加速终结自己身为奴才的“好日子”。而这一切丑态，何其相似于千百年来，那些围观刑场、分食死囚血肉的京城百姓。

XX岁，已觉醒

当他们终于发现，自己无法稳坐“岁静”后，我们这群有节目效果的自干五“同胞”们，终于“觉醒”了。

他们的“觉醒”来得如此猝不及防，不知情者还以为他们要掀起一场法国大革命，谁曾想，他们不过是在搞一场维权革命——一场彻头彻尾只关乎自身利益的“革命”。

13岁，已觉醒，是康米——因为中共推出“防沉迷”游戏禁令；
23岁，已二觉，是毛左——因为恶劣的外资环境让他们“毕业即失业”；
33岁，已三觉，是安人——因为他们发现，自己千辛万苦复读考研，却对未来毫无助益；
43岁，已四觉，是社民——因为他们即将迎来中年失业；
53岁，已五觉，盼毛归——因为他们发现，社会主义政权能让他辛苦半生的银行存款一夜变为一张废纸；
63、73岁，已N 觉，白发革命——因为他们发现，自己倾尽一生缴纳的“医保”，却难“保”一辈子辛劳所致的慢性病。

他们举着毛泽东这头僭主的遗照“觉醒”了，却觉醒得像靖难之役后的明朝士子，自认怀才不遇，却依旧死心塌地忠于朱皇帝。他们拉出“先皇”的画像，嚎啕大哭：“倘若先皇朱八八还在，事情何至于此！”

他们学着鲁迅的口吻，嘲笑古人的麻木与愚昧，却转身便为自己这场盼明君、哭先皇的丑剧，披上了一层“后现代”的外衣。

他们“觉醒”后，怀念李克强，怀念薄熙来，怀念胡锦涛，怀念江泽民，怀念邓小平，甚至怀念毛泽东。他们喃喃念叨：“马克思本意是好的，都是下面的人执行歪了。”可他们却唯独没有怀念过的是，那曾为他们争取自由而遭迫害，被他们恶毒中伤过的人。从未想起那被他们揶揄过的loser赵紫阳，想起那被他们斥为洋奴尸骨无存的刘晓波，想起被他们调侃“王师还剩几个连”的民国派知识分子，想起那被他们恶毒戏称为“五对负重轮”馅饼的六四亡魂。

今天，他们在压抑的中国社交媒体上“阴阳怪气”，在大使馆前高喊“八九六四天安门”，可就在昨日，他们还曾在微博、豆瓣、贴吧上，用最恶毒、最腌臜的语言，咒骂那些曾一心想为他们带来自由的人们。

无数有良知而勇敢的人倒下，无数灵魂在痛苦的呻吟下结束了悲惨的一生，而最终，历史的回音却只有你一句——XX岁，已觉醒。

他们因何而醒？

2018年，在各路“盼明君”的自干五期盼下，习近平同志正式修宪登基，撕掉了马克思主义左棍极权统治的遮羞布。

自此，“已觉醒”和“别发外网”的笑话便在中国的魔幻现实中不断交织。Covid动态清零后，自干五们更是恨不得年均觉醒8964次。

他们“觉醒”后，自诩客观中立的分析西式民主自由是如何地效率低，讥讽王丹、魏京生这些满口民主的过时“老东西”。他们谈论着最潮、最批爆的前卫政治潮流，却向来对中共暴政下被剥夺话语权者缺乏同情心。他们对中共政权下的基本民主人权状况避而不谈，一面口口声声声援女性和性少数群体的权利，却又迎合西方大学退步左翼的论调，力挺恐怖组织和宗教极端主义。

这一次，他们彻底“觉醒”了——和古代那些动辄“文死谏”的酸腐文人不同，他们学会了伪激进式的“死谏”。高等教育质量的滑坡与学位泛滥教会他们这种人用后现代主义话术回避中共政权下民主人权状况的日益恶化，却大谈民主国家的“系统性压迫”和“种族歧视”，每每提及中共政权及该政权相关人物，却依旧不改“青天大老爷”和“先帝明君”。他们曾经如此仇恨民主与自由，每每提起必称“皿煮目田”加以嘲弄，而今在他们“觉醒”后，依旧秉持同样“质朴”的内心，高呼民主便是免费住房、免费福利、免费医疗、免费教育，而自由则是他们拥有全世界、以他们的喜怒哀乐为中心的权力。

他们因此“觉醒”，正如他们的祖辈如何为一亩三分地而双手沾满自己保护者的鲜血，正如他们的父辈如何为蝇头小利而选择坐视义人死去，厉声质问着所谓“公知”民主能干饭否，却又谦卑的向僭主交出自由的权利。

请勿二觉

自干五终于悄悄收起了“皿煮目田”，也学着“恨国党”和“50万”们讲起了“民主自由”，却依旧用社会达尔文主义来诠释他们所理解的“民主自由”。他们仍然习惯性地将人分为三六九等，依然一开口辩论就“拍房产证、亮户口本”，或像酸腐秀才般炫耀那早已滥发到毫无价值的学历。

他们与西方大学里的香槟社会主义者一拍即合，一边在互联网上声称反对他们的人是“失败者”、“低学历者”，一边又自诩代表弱势群体和工人阶级。他们自负又自大地指点江山、激扬文字，研究应如何在西方资本主义国家里搞激进左翼革命，玩弄政治正确为自己牟利。可他们却从未同情过与自己政见不合却热爱自由的弱势群体和穷人，从未用同理心感受过未受西方资本主义“文化霸权”影响的传统国家里，专制是如何的黑暗压抑，普通人又是如何血泪艰辛。

他们当然“觉醒”了——他们一直都是醒着的。自他们出生之日起，刻在 DNA 里的社会达尔文主义信仰便已觉醒；欺软怕硬、畏威不畏德的个性便已觉醒；虚荣与自以为是便已觉醒；自干五的人格便已觉醒。他们根本不必等到今天才说：“XX 岁，已觉醒。”

自干五“已觉醒”，代价是成千上万义人长眠于暴政的寒冬；其实你也不必觉醒，因为没人有兴趣看一场反复变换自我感动的独角俄狄浦斯王剧。

When the voluntary wumao say they have Awakened, what do they really mean?

Junius Tian

Many Westerners concerned with China’s democracy and human rights are familiar with the term “wumao,” referring to state-funded pro-Communist trolls. However, they may not know that there is also a group of Chinese citizens who voluntarily support the Communist Party’s rule. They call themselves ziganwu, meaning “voluntary wumao.”

In China’s online communities, there was once a large number of voluntary wumao, with anti-Western rhetoric and hateful comments towards other ethnic groups being widespread. For a long time, democracy and freedom were seen as derogatory terms by Chinese netizens. On the Chinese internet, any moderate or inclusive opinion, or sympathy for democratic values, would be reported by the voluntary wumao.

However, this trend has dramatically reversed with the implementation of China’s “Zero-COVID” policy. The voices of voluntary wumao on the Chinese internet have grown silent, while a large influx of Chinese economic immigrants has flooded the U.S.-Mexico border. Among the fastest to shift their stance are the Chinese students abroad. Just a few years ago, they were using the harshest curses against Hong Kong protesters and Chinese dissenters, yet today, they stand side by side with their former enemies, but what they shouting is “We need food, not lockdowns.”

In a striking parallel to the Western awakening movements, China has also witnessed its own version of an awakening among the voluntary wumao. Initially, many believed this movement would serve as a turning point for political and social reform in China. However, as the Chinese version of the “awakening” progressed, many came to realize that things were not so simple. The voluntary wumao lamented the economic pains their lives endured, yet directed their hatred toward “capitalism” and the so-called “imperialist forces.”

Everything in China is quietly changing, but no one knows whether this will lead the red dragon to become more open or steer it down a more conservative, traditional Communist path.

A well-intentioned lie — they have been brainwashed

In the eyes of Westerners, there is always the fairytale belief that a righteous and kind people will ultimately triumph over tyranny. When I was a child, I believed this story without question, and it played a large part in shaping me into a liberal. I loved this story, much like I loved the Brothers Grimm tales. Yet as I grew older, I came to understand a truth: political reality is not a fairytale. When we consider whether great values and political systems can be established, we cannot ignore their compatibility with specific cultures and societies. It’s like imagining that if Snow White had not met the prince, but had instead encountered China’s Dong Zhimin, the ending of the fairytale might have been very different.

Kind-hearted people are often reluctant to confront the harsh reality of things, which is why they invent fairytales. One such fairytale is “They have been brainwashed.” Many attribute the large number of voluntary wumao in China to the Communist Party’s extensive loyalty propaganda in education. However, the truth is that most of those who execute and receive this propaganda do so half-heartedly. In China’s compulsory education system, teachers also teach students some vague concepts of freedom and equality. Many Chinese students understand the meaning of these terms. Yet, on one hand, they avoid discussing freedom and equality with the Chinese authorities, and on the other, they mock the liberal democratic values of the U.S. and Western countries.

For those living in China, the Communist Party’s authoritarian rule is stark and unambiguous. Unlike Putin’s regime, which employs intricate methods to manipulate elections for legitimacy, or the theocratic systems of the Gulf states that base their rule on religious authority and tradition, the Chinese regime operates on a fundamentally materialistic form of totalitarianism. It is rooted in rigid social Darwinism and extreme self-interest.

The Chinese Marxist regime’s propaganda bears Orwellian traits of doublethink, but its methods of brainwashing lack depth, making their lies as fragile as the emperor’s new clothes. On one hand, the government promotes China as a country where the people rule, while on the other, the Communist Party openly displays its autocratic nature. They even infuse Marxist ideology’s inherent arrogance and bureaucratic traits into primary education. Anyone who has grown up in China and gone through elementary school can clearly feel how apparent authoritarianism and totalitarianism are in the country.

In the days before the Chinese authorities invested as many resources into censorship as they do today, there was a persistent undercurrent of mild criticism and subtle satire within China’s online society. In many communities with a stronger liberal atmosphere, private criticism of the Communist Party was not uncommon. However, these anti-authoritarian voices were always in the minority. During those years, many Chinese internet dissenters believed the myth that “they had been brainwashed,” and so they tirelessly explained the meaning of democratic values and debated why people needed love and fraternity instead of social Darwinism. The response they always received was: “Can democracy be eaten? Can love and fraternity be eaten?”

Voluntary wumao once mocked democratic values with the deepest malice, ridiculing how equality and fraternity were mere hypocrisies. They used the harshest social Darwinist logic to challenge the last remnants of human kindness. Now, they claim to have “awakened” and become democracy fighters. I cannot understand whether they have truly become good people, or if they have simply realized that democracy can be “eaten.”

Self-deception — when you live in China and don’t care about politics

Another of the favorite excuses of the “awakened” voluntary wumao is that they never cared about Chinese politics before the zero-Covid policy. They claim it was precisely this ignorance of politics that led them to fervently support a tyrannical regime—mocking its victims without remorse and deriding those who sacrificed their freedom to fight for other’s freedom.

But the truth is that in China, no one has the luxury of ignoring politics. Every citizen is either an unwilling cog in the machinery of totalitarianism or one of its victims. Even the most cloistered intellectual, upon switching on the television, stepping outside, or merely glancing at the omnipresent communist propaganda slogans plastered across city streets, finds it impossible to avoid political thought. Traditional autocracies silence their subjects; Marxist dictatorships, by contrast, compel participation. Dissent is not merely punished—it is publicly denounced, forcing people to declare allegiance or face ostracism.

For someone living in such a system to claim they have “never cared about politics” is to make one of two admissions: either they are flaunting their privilege, boasting that they alone can exist above the fray, untouched by oppression, or they are feigning neutrality to lend themselves an air of objectivity. Indeed, China has its own breed of modern liberals—people who mimic Western progressive rhetoric while professing disinterest in politics within their own country. The vast majority of these modern liberals, in fact, are voluntary wumao—or, as some now claim, they are former voluntary wumao but today “awakened.”

In a sense, these individuals are a paradoxical amalgamation. While they understand the nature of the Chinese Communist Party’s rule, they simultaneously pretend to live in a free and democratic country. Their mouths often utter avant-garde political concepts like feminism and LGBT rights. Yet ironically, their engagement with these ideas is not rooted in conviction but in fashion, much like the Shanghai socialites of the last century who sprinkled their speech with foreign phrases to appear cosmopolitan.

This performative liberalism has been riddled with contradictions since its inception, much like the regressive leftists and champagne socialists of Western academia. They readily condemn “systemic racism” and so-called “human rights abuses” in the United States and Europe, yet remain conveniently silent on the escalating political repression within China itself. When Hong Kongers took to the streets to demand democratic rights, these self-styled champions of tolerance—ostensibly possessing the compassion of a middle-class moralist—firmly sided with the Chinese government, clamoring for the state to use force, even torture, against pro-democracy activists.

In truth, these so-called “don’t care about politics” Chinese modern liberals care deeply about politics—but only insofar as it is safe for them to do so. They skillfully sidestep any issue that might put them at risk while seamlessly aligning their radicalism with the ruling ideology. Like their Western “woke” counterparts, they embrace performative activism—except their ire is directed not at the tyrants who rule over people, but at the democratic world that tolerates their existence.

What has caused they late “awakening”?

No matter what, those former staunch supporters of the Chinese authorities have ultimately chosen to “awakened.” They had once clearly stated to the world, on several occasions, that as long as China’s economy continued to soar, providing them with endless opportunities to make money, principles like democracy, freedom, human rights, and humanitarianism were of no importance to them. Yet today, they hypocritically tell the world how much they now care about the very values they once despised and ridiculed.

They can even transform themselves into figures of inspiration, telling a moving “awakening” story in the United States, Canada, and across the world, presenting themselves in Congress as champions of freedom to win public sympathy. Yet, they have never sincerely apologized to those they once reported to the authorities and sent to prison, nor to those they persecuted. They have never apologized to the victims of the Tiananmen massacre, whom they once mockingly referred to as “59 tank meat patties.”

Yes, they have “awakened.” Their ideologies are varied—some call themselves Maoists, some claim to be Trotskyists, and others identify as anarchists. Despite the differences in their labels, their demands are unified. They now claim that democracy means free housing, free healthcare, free welfare, and free education, while freedom is the ability to make the world revolve around their whims and desires.

Their motives for awakening, much like those of their ancestors, are driven by petty self-interest—betraying their protectors for small gains, with their hands stained by the blood of landowners and entrepreneurs. When tyranny finally descends upon them, they play the victim, begging for other’s sympathy. Yet what truly hurts them is not the loss of freedom, but the fact that tyranny can no longer provide them with their “free” handouts.

In truth, they never needed to stage an “awakening”—because they were never asleep. They have always known exactly what they wanted, and it was never freedom or democracy. From the ancient Aegean civilizations to the Magna Carta, and finally to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the values forged through countless lives, blood, and tears are, to them, worth nothing — 0 pence.

作者：中国民主党记者俞滨 2025年1月20日

中国，作为全球最大且最为封闭的国家之一，其国内的言论和信息管制向来严密。国内民众无法自由访问全球社交平台，只有通过VPN等技术手段才能绕过这一封锁，而使用这些工具本身在中国也被视为违法行为。封锁限制了国内对外界的接触，讽刺的是，中国的跨国迫害影响力已经远远超出了国界，渗透到全球各地。

跨国迫害的背后，是一个精密且系统化的国家机器运作，它不依赖于单一形式的威胁，而是通过多样的手段和渠道，构成了一个在全球范围内不断扩张的恐惧体系。

我的朋友Lyndon Li之前为美国之音调查了一起前皇家海军陆战队员被指控为香港情报机构工作间谍的离奇死亡案件。死者与中国政府的间谍网络有关联。这一事件不仅暴露了中国跨国行动的深度，也突显了中国对外部世界进行渗透与干扰的恐怖。

类似的暴力事件并非个别。中国驻曼彻斯特总领事馆内的工作人员曾在2019年对香港抗议者实施暴力行为。一位在领馆外进行抗议的香港人遭到殴打，并被强行拖入领馆内。动用暴力来维护所谓的“国家尊严”。这种行径不仅直接威胁到受害者的人身安全，也挑战了人权的的基本保护。

在同一地点，中国领馆工作人员还曾威胁自由亚洲的记者，试图阻止其进行新闻报道。当记者在领馆门口拍摄时，工作人员声称该行为违反了《维也纳公约》中的外交特权，并扬言报警。虽然记者强调其拍摄的是公共区域，属于言论自由的范畴，但这些工作人员依然对记者进行了干扰和恐吓。

除了暴力和恐吓外，中国还通过国际刑警发布“红通”，将跨国追捕作为常规手段。许多被中国政府视为“威胁”的民主人士，甚至无辜的香港青年，均成为中国政府跨国打压的目标。一位19岁的香港女孩張晞晴因涉嫌“分裂国家”而被悬赏100万港币通缉。

我自己也曾遭遇过类似的跨国迫害。作为长期关注中国政治和人权的活动人士，我也曾被不明身份的人士袭击，伦敦警察局逮捕了袭击者，已经做出了起诉决定。

中国的跨国迫害系统是精密且具有全球扩张性的。无论是通过暴力、恐吓、间谍活动，还是利用外交手段限制言论自由，中国的跨国行动都在无形中侵蚀了全球的民主与人权空间。更重要的是，这一系统并非单纯的局部事件，而是一整套由国家机器驱动的全球性压制机制。

跨国迫害的力量，并非仅在于肉体上的伤害，而在于它让人们在无形中丧失了自我表达的权利，逐渐让恐惧成为无法摆脱的阴影。

而最危险的压迫，是在表达之前的恐惧。

China’s Transnational Persecution

By— Bin Yu, Journalist of China Democracy Party(UK) 20th, Jan, 2025

China, as one of the largest and most closed-off countries globally, has always maintained strict control over speech and information within its borders. Domestic citizens are unable to freely access global social platforms and can only bypass these blocks through technologies like VPNs, which are considered illegal in China. This censorship limits the domestic population’s interaction with the outside world, yet ironically, China’s transnational persecution influence stretches far beyond its borders, infiltrating nations across the globe.

Behind this transnational persecution lies a sophisticated and systematic state apparatus. It does not rely on a single form of threat but instead employs a variety of methods and channels, creating a growing system of fear that expands worldwide.

My friend Lyndon previously investigated the bizarre death of a former Royal Marine who was accused of working as a spy for Hong Kong intelligence agencies. The deceased had connections to China’s spy network. This case exposed not only the depth of China’s transnational operations but also highlighted China’s terrifying efforts to infiltrate and disrupt the external world.

Such violent incidents are not isolated. Staff at the Chinese Consulate in Manchester were involved in violent acts against Hong Kong protesters in 2019. A Hong Kong protester outside the consulate was beaten and forcibly dragged inside the consulate. This use of violence was purportedly to protect the so-called “national dignity.” Such actions not only directly endanger the safety of victims but also challenge fundamental human rights protections.

At the same location, consulate staff also threatened a journalist from Radio Free Asia in an attempt to prevent reporting. When the journalist was filming outside the consulate, staff claimed the action violated the diplomatic privileges outlined in the Vienna Convention and threatened to call the police. Despite the journalist’s clarification that the filming was in a public space, within the scope of free speech, the staff continued to harass and intimidate the reporter.

In addition to violence and intimidation, China also utilizes Interpol’s “Red Notice” to pursue transnational arrests as a routine method. Many individuals the Chinese government deems as “threats,” including innocent Hong Kong youth, have become targets of China’s global crackdown. A 19-year-old Hong Kong girl, Cheung Hei Ching. was even offered a reward of 1 million Hong Kong dollars for her capture on charges of “separatism.”

I myself have encountered similar transnational persecution. As a long-time advocate for Chinese politics and human rights, I have been attacked by individuals of unknown identity. The London Metropolitan Police arrested the assailant, and prosecution has already been decided.

China’s transnational persecution system is sophisticated and expansively global. Whether through violence, intimidation, espionage, or diplomatic means to restrict freedom of speech, China’s transnational actions subtly erode the global space for democracy and human rights. More importantly, this system is not merely a series of localized incidents but a comprehensive global suppression mechanism driven by the state apparatus.

The power of transnational persecution lies not only in the physical harm it causes but in its ability to gradually strip individuals of their right to self-expression, making fear an inescapable shadow.

And the deepest oppression, is the fear before expression.

 2025年1月17日，中国民主党英国总部声援维吾尔族社区代表，在伦敦泰国驻英大使馆门口发起抗议活动，呼吁泰国政府不要将48名被拘留的维吾尔族人士遣返中国，并敦促其采取行动，捍卫这些难民的基本人权。 

 2025年1月，泰国政府计划将被拘留的48名维吾尔族难民遣返中国的消息引发了国际社会的广泛关注和担忧。这些维吾尔族人于2013年和2014年逃离中国，寻求在土耳其重新定居，但在泰国被拘留至今，已有十余年。 据报道，泰国移民官员于1月8日要求这些被拘留者签署“自愿遣返”文件，但他们全部拒绝签署。人权组织和家属担心，一旦被遣返回中国，这些维吾尔族人可能面临监禁、酷刑，甚至失去生命的风险。2015年，泰国曾将109名维吾尔族人遣返中国，导致国际社会的强烈谴责。联合国人权专家在2024年2月曾致函泰国政府，指出对这些被拘留者的待遇可能违反国际法，并提醒泰国应遵守国际不驱回原则。 鉴于此，国际人权组织呼吁泰国政府停止遣返计划，遵守国际人权义务，确保这些维吾尔族难民的安全。他们强调，泰国应与国际人权机构合作，寻求解决方案，避免重蹈2015年的覆辙。 

 活动当天，抗议者手举标语，高呼“停止遣返”“保护难民权利”等口号，以引起国际社会对这批维吾尔族难民处境的关注。维吾尔族代表在现场发言，讲述了维吾尔族群体在中国遭受的迫害，并强调这些难民一旦被遣返，极有可能面临酷刑、监禁甚至生命威胁。泰国政府应该站在国际人道主义的一边，避免成为中国政府人权迫害的帮凶。” 

 抗议活动中，组织者和参与者联名签署了一封正式信件，并递交给泰国驻英大使馆的代表。信件中严正要求泰国政府遵守国际义务，拒绝将难民遣返至中国，同时与国际人权机构合作，确保这些难民得到公平的待遇和保护。

 此次中国民主党英国总部的抗议不仅是对被压迫的维吾尔族同胞的声援，更是对国际社会维护人权和捍卫正义的呼唤。维吾尔族难民问题不仅关乎人道主义，也直接反映了全球人权捍卫的现状。 

 中国民主党英国总部将继续与各界人士和组织一道，推动国际社会对维吾尔族困境的关注，并为受迫害者争取更多的国际支持。我们坚信，只有通过团结与努力，才能让每个人都享有自由与尊严的基本权利。

 出席活动党员：成小丹、成亚丽、何智威、Thomas Hao 

中国民主党英国总部记者成小丹报道

Stand in Solidarity with Uyghurs, Urge the Thai Government to Stop Deportation and Release Innocent Uyghur Individuals

January 17, 2025, Outside the Thai Embassy in London

On January 17, 2025, the UK Headquarters of the Chinese Democratic Party, in solidarity with representatives of the Uyghur community, organized a protest outside the Thai Embassy in London. The protest called on the Thai government to refrain from deporting 48 detained Uyghur individuals back to China and urged the government to take action to defend the basic human rights of these refugees.

In January 2025, the news that the Thai government planned to deport 48 detained Uyghur refugees to China sparked widespread international concern. These Uyghurs had fled China in 2013 and 2014, seeking resettlement in Turkey, but have been detained in Thailand for more than a decade.

Reports indicate that on January 8, Thai immigration officials asked the detainees to sign “voluntary deportation” documents, but all of them refused to sign. Human rights organizations and family members fear that if deported to China, these Uyghurs could face imprisonment, torture, or even death. In 2015, Thailand deported 109 Uyghurs to China, which led to strong international condemnation. In February 2024, UN human rights experts sent a letter to the Thai government, noting that the treatment of these detainees might violate international law, and reminding Thailand to uphold the principle of non-refoulement.

In light of this, international human rights organizations have called on the Thai government to halt the deportation plan, comply with international human rights obligations, and ensure the safety of these Uyghur refugees. They emphasized that Thailand should cooperate with international human rights organizations to seek a solution and avoid repeating the mistakes of 2015.

On the day of the protest, demonstrators held banners and chanted slogans such as “Stop Deportation” and “Protect Refugee Rights” to raise awareness of the plight of these Uyghur refugees. A representative from the Uyghur community spoke at the event, describing the persecution faced by the Uyghur people in China. The speaker stressed that these refugees, if deported, could face torture, imprisonment, and even life-threatening risks. Protesters called on the Thai government to align with international humanitarian principles and avoid becoming complicit in China’s human rights violations.

During the protest, the organizers and participants jointly signed an official letter, which was submitted to a representative at the Thai Embassy. The letter strongly urged the Thai government to fulfill its international obligations, refuse to deport the refugees to China, and cooperate with international human rights organizations to ensure that these refugees receive fair treatment and protection.

This protest organized by the UK Headquarters of the Chinese Democratic Party is not only an act of solidarity with the oppressed Uyghur community but also a call for the international community to uphold human rights and justice. The issue of Uyghur refugees is not only a humanitarian issue but also directly reflects the state of global human rights advocacy.

The UK Headquarters of the Chinese Democratic Party will continue to work with individuals and organizations worldwide to increase international attention to the plight of the Uyghurs and secure more international support for those persecuted. We firmly believe that only through unity and effort can every person enjoy the fundamental rights of freedom and dignity.

Participants in the event: Xiaodan Cheng ,Yali Cheng, Zhiwei He, Thomas Hao

Reporter: Xiaodan Cheng, Chinese Democratic Party UK Headquarters

中國在2024年經歷了一系列反社會事件，這些事件暴露出底層社會深刻的結構性問題與人權危機，並引發了國內外的廣泛關注。然而，中共政府對這些問題的回應仍顯得遲緩甚至迴避，使得人們對改善中國人權狀況的期望蒙上陰影。在2025年新的一年裡，中國政府如何改善人權現狀成為了關鍵議題。本文將探討2024年反社會事件的根源、中共政府的應對方式以及未來可能的改革方向。

2024年的反社會事件及其根源

2024年，中國多地爆發了一系列與底層民眾相關的反社會事件，包括工人集會抗議、農村土地糾紛、城鎮強拆衝突，以及涉及勞工剝削的極端暴力事件。一些地區的年輕人因缺乏工作機會和經濟壓力而陷入困境，最終選擇極端方式表達不滿。這些事件的根本原因可以歸納為：

經濟壓力增大：中國經濟增長放緩導致就業機會減少，特別是在製造業和服務業領域，許多農民工和大學生難以找到穩定工作。

社會不平等加劇：財富分配不均的問題越發嚴重，農村與城市、沿海與內陸地區的差距進一步擴大。

法律與監管缺失：底層民眾的權益無法通過法律手段得到有效保護，地方政府的強制手段引發民怨。

中共政府的回應

對於2024年的反社會事件，中共政府主要採取了以下策略：

加強控制與壓制：在社交媒體上嚴格審查相關信息，防止事件進一步發酵；對參與抗議的民眾進行逮捕或懲戒。

有限的經濟補償：對部分事件中的受害者提供經濟補償，但未觸及深層次的制度改革。

宣傳穩定的重要性：官方媒體集中宣傳“穩定壓倒一切”的理念，將事件歸咎於外部勢力煽動。

儘管如此，這些應對措施未能從根本上解決問題，甚至在某些地區引發更大的不滿。

2025年的改善方向

面對日益突出的社會問題和國內外壓力，中共政府在2025年需要採取更全面和負責的行動，以改善人權狀況和民生條件：

改革法律體系：加強對底層民眾權益的法律保護，確保土地糾紛、勞工權益等問題能通過公平的法律程序解決。

縮小貧富差距：推進財稅改革，加強對農村和貧困地區的扶持，創造更多公平的經濟機會。

提升社會透明度：允許媒體和民間組織參與監督，讓底層民眾的聲音能夠被傾聽和回應。

教育與培訓：為失業的年輕人和農民工提供技能培訓，幫助他們適應經濟轉型的需求。

國際合作：通過與國際組織合作，學習其他國家的成功經驗，推動人權保障的進一步制度化。

2024年的反社會事件是中國底層社會積累多年的結構性問題的集中爆發，這既是一個挑戰，也是一個契機。中共政府如果能在2025年採取積極而務實的改革措施，不僅能夠改善人權狀況，還能為國家發展注入新的動力。然而，如果政府選擇繼續迴避或壓制問題，則可能面臨更大的社會動盪與國際壓力。未來的中國需要一個更公平、更包容的社會結構，這是所有人共同努力的方向。

撰稿者：李亞倫

Summary of China’s Human Rights Situation and Improvement in 2024

China experienced a series of anti-social incidents in 2024, which exposed deep structural problems and human rights crises at the grassroots level and aroused widespread concern both domestically and internationally. However, the CCP government’s response to these issues has been slow or even evasive, overshadowing expectations for an improvement in China’s human rights situation. In the new year of 2025, how the Chinese government will improve the human rights situation will be a key issue. This article examines the root causes of the 2024 antisocial incidents, the Chinese Communist government’s response, and possible directions for future reform.

Anti-social incidents in 2024 and their root causes

In 2024, a series of anti-social incidents related to the grassroots erupted in many parts of China, including workers’ rallies and protests, rural land disputes, forced demolitions in cities and towns, and extreme violence involving labour exploitation. Young people in some districts, who are in dire straits due to the lack of job opportunities and financial pressure, have eventually chosen to express their discontent in an extreme manner. The root causes of these incidents can be summarised as follows:

Increased economic pressure: China’s slowing economic growth has led to a reduction in job opportunities, especially in the manufacturing and service sectors, where many migrant workers and university students have difficulty finding stable employment.

Worsening social inequality: The uneven distribution of wealth has become more serious, widening the gap between rural and urban areas and between coastal and inland areas.

Lack of law and regulation: The rights of the grassroots are not effectively protected through legal means, and the coercive measures of local governments have led to public discontent.

Response from the Chinese Communist Government

The CCP government has adopted the following strategies in response to the anti-social events of 2024:

Enhanced control and suppression: Strict censorship of information on social media to prevent further escalation; arrests and punishment of protestors.

Limited financial compensation: Financial compensation was offered to some victims of the incident, but did not touch on deeper systemic reforms.

Promotion of the importance of stability: The official media focused on the idea that ‘stability overrides everything’ and blamed external forces for instigating the events.

Nonetheless, these responses have failed to address the root causes of the problem, and have led to greater discontent in some areas.

Directions for Improvement in 2025

In the face of growing social problems and domestic and external pressures, the Chinese government will need to take more comprehensive and responsible action to improve the human rights situation and livelihood conditions in 2025:

Reform the legal system: Strengthen the legal protection of the rights of the grassroots and ensure that issues such as land disputes and labour rights can be resolved through fair legal procedures.

Reduce the wealth gap: Promote fiscal reform, strengthen support for rural and poor areas, and create more equitable economic opportunities.

Enhance social transparency: Allow the media and civil society organisations to participate in monitoring, so that the voices of the grassroots can be heard and responded to.

Education and Training: Provide skills training for unemployed young people and migrant workers to help them adapt to the demands of economic restructuring.

International Co-operation: Through co-operation with international organisations and learning from the successful experiences of other countries, we will promote the further institutionalisation of human rights protection.

The antisocial events of 2024 are a challenge but also an opportunity, as the structural problems of China’s underclass that have been accumulating for years have exploded in a concentrated manner. If the CCP government adopts positive and pragmatic reforms in 2025, it will not only improve the human rights situation, but also inject new momentum into the country’s development. However, if the government chooses to continue to avoid or suppress the issue, it could face greater social unrest and international pressure. The future of China needs a fairer and more inclusive social structure, and this is a direction we can all work towards.

Written by Yalun Li

2025年1月1日，中国民主党英国总部受邀参加了香港议会筹委会在伦敦O2举办的一场备受关注的活动——《自由香港宣言》发布会及问答宴会。这场活动吸引了来自世界各地的民主人士、香港移民社区代表以及媒体的广泛关注，为推动香港民主与自由事业再次注入了力量。

《自由香港宣言》发布：呼吁国际社会关注香港

在会上香港议会筹委会发起人袁弓夷先生发表了讲话。他说：《自由香港宣言》明确表示，香港的自治与自由不仅是香港人民的基本权利，也是国际社会共同维护的价值。宣言呼吁各国政府采取更强有力的行动，制裁破坏香港民主的相关人士和机构，敦促中国政府履行《中英联合声明》承诺。

袁弓夷表示：“自由与人权是普世价值，香港人民的抗争精神不会被历史遗忘。我们必须团结一致，让香港的声音被世界听见。”

发布会结束后，与会者参加了以“自由香港”为主题的晚宴。席间，大家深入交流，为共同的目标献计献策。气氛既庄重又温暖，展现了香港人在困境中依然团结一致的精神。

此次活动不仅是一场宣言的发布，更是一场团结的象征。中国民主党英国总部对香港议会筹委会的支持，显示了海外民主力量的凝聚力，也为未来更多的合作打下了基础。 活动结束后，许多参与者表示，这场发布会和晚宴让他们感受到了希望与力量，也更加坚定了继续为香港自由与民主奋斗的决心。

在活动结束前，中国民主党英国总部党员与其他所有参会者一起高唱了《愿荣光归香港》。激昂的歌声回荡在现场，现场气氛热烈而感人，许多人难掩内心的激动，眼中闪烁着泪光。这一刻，所有人仿佛重新找回了团结的力量和对自由的坚定信念，整个场面既庄严又充满希望。自由香港，人人有责！愿这场斗争的火种永不熄灭！

袁弓夷先生向中国民主党英国总部的支持表示感谢，并和参加党员合影留念。

本次活动组织者：成亚利，李皓博

参加本次活动的党员：成亚利，李皓博 、成小丹、顾晓峰、兰子明 、李景棠、王应如、何智威、王建，沈超、戴超、戴雪梅，赵玉莲，黄华。

中国民主党英国总部供稿人：李皓博

UK headquarters of China Democracy Party was invited to attend the Free Hong Kong Declaration Conference of the Hong Kong Parliament Preparatory Committee

On January 1, 2025, the UK headquarters of the China Democratic Party was invited to attend a highly anticipated event held by the Hong Kong Parliament Preparatory Committee at the O2 in London – the launch of the Free Hong Kong Declaration and a Q&A banquet. This event attracted widespread attention from democrats from all over the world, representatives of Hong Kong immigrant communities and the media, and once again injected strength into the cause of democracy and freedom in Hong Kong.

The Free Hong Kong Declaration was released: calling on the international community to pay attention to Hong Kong

At the meeting, Mr. Yuan Gongyi, the initiator of the Hong Kong Parliament Preparatory Committee, delivered a speech. He said: The Free Hong Kong Declaration clearly stated that Hong Kong’s autonomy and freedom are not only the basic rights of the Hong Kong people, but also the values ​​jointly maintained by the international community. The declaration calls on governments to take stronger actions to sanction relevant individuals and institutions that undermine Hong Kong’s democracy and urge the Chinese government to fulfill its commitments in the Sino-British Joint Declaration.

Yuan Gongyi said: “Freedom and human rights are universal values, and the spirit of resistance of the Hong Kong people will not be forgotten by history. We must unite and let the voice of Hong Kong be heard by the world.”

After the press conference, the participants attended a dinner with the theme of “Free Hong Kong”. During the dinner, everyone had in-depth exchanges and offered suggestions for common goals. The atmosphere was solemn and warm, showing the spirit of Hong Kong people to remain united in the face of difficulties.

This event is not only the release of a declaration, but also a symbol of unity. The support of the China Democratic Party UK Headquarters to the Hong Kong Parliament Preparatory Committee shows the cohesion of overseas democratic forces and lays the foundation for more cooperation in the future. After the event, many participants said that this press conference and dinner made them feel hope and strength, and also strengthened their determination to continue to fight for Hong Kong’s freedom and democracy.

Before the end of the event, members of the China Democratic Party UK Headquarters sang “Glory to Hong Kong” with all other participants. The passionate singing echoed in the scene, and the atmosphere was warm and touching. Many people could not hide their inner excitement, and tears flashed in their eyes. At this moment, everyone seemed to have regained the power of unity and the firm belief in freedom. The whole scene was solemn and full of hope. Free Hong Kong, everyone is responsible! May the fire of this struggle never go out!

Mr. Yuan Gongyi expressed his gratitude to the China Democracy Party UK Headquarters for their support and took a group photo with the participating party members.

Organizers of this event: Cheng Yali, Li Haobo

Participating party members of this event: Cheng Yali, Li Haobo, Cheng Xiaodan, Gu Xiaofeng, Lan Ziming, Li Jingtang, Wang Yingru, He Zhiwei, Wang Jian, Shen Chao, Dai Chao, Dai Xuemei, Zhao Yulian, Huang Hua.

Contributor of China Democracy Party UK Headquarters: Li Haobo

2024年12月29日，伦敦

在历史的洪流中，总有英雄挺身而出，燃烧自己，为黑暗中的人们点亮通往自由的火炬。王炳章，正是这样一位舍身忘我、为中华民族自由与民主而献身的伟大斗士！他的一生是抗争的缩影，是信念的丰碑！

自1983年创建海外第一个民主运动组织以来，王炳章先生以无畏无惧的精神冲破禁锢，以行动和智慧推动中国民主化进程。他用生命践行了“推翻中共独裁，建立民主中国” 的誓言！即便在2002年被中共非法绑架、判以无期徒刑，他仍未屈服，仍以铁一般的意志，昭示着自由的光辉！

如今，腐败无能的中共政权将中国拖入深渊：经济停滞，民生凋敝，贪官横行，国家已内外交困！而这一切的根源，正是中共的独裁专制！

我们不能再沉默！我们不能再忍受！站在历史的十字路口，唯有唤醒更多中国人民，秉承王炳章的精神，为中华民族的复兴砸碎独裁的枷锁，才能迎来民主与自由的曙光！

什么是王炳章精神？
王炳章精神，就是以行动为旗帜，以牺牲为代价，以民主为目标！
王炳章精神，就是中华民族不屈的脊梁，是勇敢、坚定、不畏强权的象征！
王炳章精神，就是继承孙中山先生“驱除鞑虏，恢复中华”的伟大遗志，不惜一切代价，推翻中共暴政，还政于民，还天下以公道！

当局横暴，但民心不可欺！
政权腐朽，但历史不可逆！

今天，我们宣布成立“王炳章行动委员会”！
我们的使命和目标不仅是营救王炳章，更要将王炳章精神播撒在每一个中国人的心中。我们誓以一切合法和正义手段，团结海内外力量，共同推翻中共的独裁统治，建立一个自由、民主、公平、正义的中国！

我们号召：
• 释放王炳章！让这位为国为民的英雄重获自由！
• 唤醒民众！唤起每一个普通中国人的觉醒和抗争意识！
• 推翻暴政！中共独裁已成历史毒瘤，唯有拔除，方能重生！

我们组织会员的原则：行动，奉献，律己，坚韧！

中国的希望在人民，人民的力量在觉醒！我们呼吁每一个有良知、有血性、有志于民族复兴的人，加入我们，为自由而战，为正义而战，为王炳章精神代言！

同胞们，黑夜再漫长，曙光终将到来！让我们肩并肩，手牵手，以血与火迎接一个新的时代：一个属于人民、属于民主、属于真正自由的中国！

王炳章行动委员会共同召集人：黄华，姜福祯，郝涛

wangbzaction@gmail.com

Declaration of the Wang Bingzhang Action Committee

December 29, 2024, London

In the torrent of history, there are always heroes who stand up, burn themselves, and light the torch to freedom for people in the dark. Wang Bingzhang is such a great fighter who sacrificed himself for the freedom and democracy of the Chinese nation! His life is a microcosm of struggle and a monument of faith!

Since the establishment of the first overseas democratic movement organization in 1983, Mr. Wang Bingzhang has broken through the shackles with a fearless spirit and promoted the process of democratization in China with action and wisdom. He used his life to fulfil his oath of “overthrowing the dictatorship of the Chinese Communist Party and establishing a democratic China”! Even though he was illegally kidnapped by the Chinese Communist Party in 2002 and sentenced to life imprisonment, he still did not give in, and still showed the glory of freedom with his iron will!

Today, the corrupt and incompetent Chinese Communist regime has dragged China into the abyss: the economy is stagnant, people’s livelihood is withered, corrupt officials are rampant, and the country is trapped both internally and externally! And the root of all this is the dictatorship of the Chinese Communist Party!

We can no longer be silent! We can’t stand it anymore! Standing at the crossroads of history, only by awakening more Chinese people, adhering to Wang Bingzhang’s spirit, and smashing the shackles of dictatorship for the rejuvenation of the Chinese nation can we usher in the dawn of democracy and freedom!

What is the Wang Bingzhang spirit?

The Wang Bingzhang spirit is to take action as the banner, sacrifice as the price, and democracy as the goal!

The Wang Bingzhang spirit is the unyielding backbone of the Chinese nation, and a symbol of bravery, firmness, and fearlessness of power!

The Wang Bingzhang spirit is to inherit Mr. Sun Yat-sen’s great legacy of “expelling the Tartars and restoring China”, at all costs, overthrow the tyranny of the Communist Party of China, return power to the people, and return justice to the world!

The authorities are tyrannical, but the people’s hearts cannot be deceived!

The regime is corrupt, but history is irreversible!

Today, we announce the establishment of the “Wang Bingzhang Action Committee”!

Our mission and goal is not only to rescue Wang Bingzhang, but also to spread the spirit of Wang Bingzhang in the hearts of every Chinese. We vow to unite forces at home and abroad by all legal and just means to overthrow the dictatorship of the Chinese Communist Party and build a free, democratic, fair and just China!

We call for:

• Release Wang Bingzhang! Let this hero who serves the country, and the people regain his freedom!

• Awaken the people! Arouse the awakening and resistance consciousness of every ordinary Chinese!

• Overthrow tyranny! The dictatorship of the Chinese Communist Party has become a historical cancer. Only by eradicating it can it be reborn!

The principles of our organization members: action, dedication, self-discipline, and tenacity!

China’s hope lies in the people, and the power of the people is awakening! We call on everyone with conscience, blood, and aspirations for national rejuvenation to join us, fight for freedom, fight for justice, and speak for the spirit of Wang Bingzhang!

Fellow countrymen, no matter how long the night is, the dawn will eventually come! Let us stand shoulder to shoulder, hand in hand, and welcome a new era with blood and fire: a China that belongs to the people, belongs to democracy, and belongs to true freedom!

Co-conveners of the Wang Bingzhang Action Committee: Huang Hua, Jiang Fuzhen, Hao Tao

wangbzaction@gmail.com

2024年12月29日，中国民主党英国总部在伦敦，中国驻英国大使馆门前，举行了强烈要求中共政府释放王炳章博士的抗议活动。

这一天，伦敦寒风刺骨，阴云密布。大约40多名中国民主党英国总部的党员和支持者，站在中国大使馆对面，他们身着党部马甲，挥舞党部旗帜，拉出红色横幅，上面写着：强烈要求中共政府释放王炳章先生。

该活动组织者黄华在现场宣读了“王炳章行动委员会宣言”。他先是回顾了王炳章先生在1999年5月9日在英国组织组织中国民主党英国党部党员在美国驻英国大使馆目前举行的抗议北约轰炸中国驻南斯拉夫大使馆事件。黄华说：我和王炳章先生有两次深入交谈。我敬佩他对信仰的执着和渊博的知识。所以，我联络了其他人，我们一起成立王炳章行动委员会。

黄华在宣言中说：什么是王炳章精神？
王炳章精神，就是以行动为旗帜，以牺牲为代价，以民主为目标！
王炳章精神，就是中华民族不屈的脊梁，是勇敢、坚定、不畏强权的象征！
王炳章精神，就是继承孙中山先生“驱除鞑虏，恢复中华”的伟大遗志，不惜一切代价，推翻中共暴政，还政于民，还天下以公道！

今天，我们宣布成立“王炳章行动委员会”！
我们的使命和目标不仅是营救王炳章，更要将王炳章精神播撒在每一个中国人的心中。我们誓以一切合法和正义手段，团结海内外力量，共同推翻中共的独裁统治，建立一个自由、民主、公平、正义的中国！

我们号召：
• 释放王炳章！让这位为国为民的英雄重获自由！
• 唤醒民众！唤起每一个普通中国人的觉醒和抗争意识！
• 推翻暴政！中共独裁已成历史毒瘤，唯有拔除，方能重生！

我们组织会员的原则：行动，奉献，律己，坚韧！

中国的希望在人民，人民的力量在觉醒！我们呼吁每一个有良知、有血性、有志于民族复兴的人，加入我们，为自由而战，为正义而战，为王炳章精神代言！

党员何智威代读因签证问题没有能够到场的姜福祯先生的发言。他说：王炳章是因其政治信仰和活动被判处无期徒刑，他并沒从事任何恐怖活动，然而无期徒刑并不等于无限期的关押。国际社会呼吁中国当局停止对他的羁押和迫害。王炳章的健康状况在监禁期间恶化，加之长期囚禁对其身心的负面影响，促使全球人权组织和个人行动起来，呼吁对他的释放。

党员成亚利，成小丹，于伟梁等等都在现场作了发言和呼喊口号。

路上来来往往的英国人注目凝视，鸣响车子喇叭，向示威者表示敬意！

活动结束以后，党员们为了国内受难党员家属现场举行了春节爱心捐款，总筹得捐款约2000英镑。

出席活动党员：李皓博、王建、戴超、戴雪梅、赵玉莲、郭宇轩、李亚伦、徐伟华、何智威、兰子明、侯尔斌、张学美、卢灵飞、成亚利、王燕、邓伟、沈超、闫磊、周亮、吕建启、朱双林、李景棠、刘耀行、成亚利、梁根、uncle leo、刘恩成、于伟梁、林明强、余刚

中国民主党英国总部供稿 2024年12月29日

Crying Out in the Cold Wind: Protest by the UK Headquarters of China Democracy Party Demanding the Release of Dr Wang Bingzhang

On 29 December 2024, the UK Headquarters of China Democracy Party staged a protest in front of the Chinese Embassy in London, strongly demanding the release of Dr Wang Bingzhang by the Chinese government.

That day, London was gripped by biting cold winds under an overcast sky. More than 40 members and supporters of the UK Headquarters of China Democracy Party gathered across from the Chinese Embassy. Dressed in party vests, waving party flags, and holding red banners bearing the slogan “Strongly Demand the Chinese Government Release Dr Wang Bingzhang,” they expressed their demands with determination.

The event organiser, Mr Huang Hua, delivered the “Wang Bingzhang Action Committee Declaration” on-site. He began by recalling Dr Wang Bingzhang’s role in organising a protest on 9 May 1999 in the UK, where members of the UK Headquarters of China Democracy Party demonstrated in front of the US Embassy in London against NATO’s bombing of the Chinese Embassy in Yugoslavia. Huang Hua said, “I had two in-depth conversations with Dr Wang Bingzhang. I deeply admire his unwavering faith and profound knowledge. Therefore, I reached out to others, and together, we established the Wang Bingzhang Action Committee.”

In the declaration, Huang Hua explained, “What is the Spirit of Wang Bingzhang?

The Spirit of Wang Bingzhang is taking action as a banner, sacrifice as a cost, and democracy as the goal!

The Spirit of Wang Bingzhang is the unyielding backbone of the Chinese nation, symbolising courage, steadfastness, and defiance of tyranny!

The Spirit of Wang Bingzhang is inheriting Dr Sun Yat-sen’s great aspiration to ‘Expel the Manchus and restore China,’ overthrowing the CCP’s tyranny at any cost, returning governance to the people, and bringing justice to the nation!”

“Today, we announce the establishment of the ‘Wang Bingzhang Action Committee!’ Our mission and goal are not only to rescue Wang Bingzhang but also to spread his spirit into the heart of every Chinese person. We pledge to use all legal and just means to unite forces at home and abroad to overthrow the CCP’s dictatorial regime and establish a free, democratic, fair, and just China!”

Huang Hua continued with calls to action:

     •    “Release Wang Bingzhang! Let this hero for the nation and the people regain his freedom!

     •    Awaken the masses! Inspire the awareness and resistance of every ordinary Chinese person!

     •    Overthrow tyranny! The CCP dictatorship has become a cancer in history; only by uprooting it can rebirth be achieved!”

He emphasised the principles for membership in the organisation: action, dedication, self-discipline, and resilience.

“The hope for China lies with its people, and the strength of its people lies in awakening! We call on every person of conscience, courage, and commitment to national rejuvenation to join us, fight for freedom, fight for justice, and represent the Spirit of Wang Bingzhang!”

Party member He Zhiwei read a statement on behalf of Jiang Fuzhen, who could not attend due to visa issues. Jiang said, “Dr Wang Bingzhang was sentenced to life imprisonment for his political beliefs and activities. He has not engaged in any terrorist activity, and life imprisonment does not equate to indefinite detention. The international community calls on the Chinese authorities to cease their detention and persecution of him. Dr Wang Bingzhang’s health has deteriorated during his imprisonment, and the long-term incarceration has had severe physical and psychological impacts, prompting global human rights organisations and individuals to act for his release.”

Other party members, including Cheng Liya, Cheng Yali, and Yu Weiliang, also delivered speeches and chanted slogans on-site.

Passers-by in London observed the demonstration, with some honking their car horns to show support and respect for the protesters.

After the event, party members held a charity donation drive for the families of persecuted party members in China to celebrate the Lunar New Year. Approximately £2,000 was raised.

Attendees included: Li Haobo, Wang Jian, Dai Chao, Dai Xuemei, Zhao Yulian, Guo Yuxuan, Li Yalun, Xu Weihua, He Zhiwei, Lan Ziming, Hou Erbin, Zhang Xuemei, Lu Lingfei, Cheng Yali, Wang Yan, Deng Wei, Shen Chao, Yan Lei, Zhou Liang, Lü Jianqi, Zhu Shuanglin, Li Jingtang, Liu Yaoxing, Cheng Yali, Liang Gen, Uncle Leo, Liu Encheng, Yu Weiliang, Lin Mingqiang, Yu Gang.

Report by the UK Headquarters of China Democracy Party, 29 December 2024

作者：中国民主党英国总部—俞滨

最近，我积极参与了多个国际活动，包括最近在英国议会举办的白纸运动纪念活动。该活动由跨党派议员Lain Duncan Smith MP和Alex Sobel MP组织，他们均为跨国议会联盟（IPAC）的成员。IPAC的目标是联合民主国家的立法议员，共同遏制中国共产党在国际上的影响力，并拒绝通过任何对中共有利的立法。值得注意的是，这两位议员分别来自保守党和工党，表明无论英国的执政党如何更替，针对中国专制政权的政策基调不会轻易改变。类似的跨党派合作，不仅有助于压制中共的国际扩张，还为异议者提供了广阔的参与空间和支持。

今年11月26日，我还组织了一场白纸运动两周年的纪念活动。在活动之前，我收到了一系列威胁邮件，包括冒充国际特赦组织套取信息，以及利用我的真实身份进行恶意查询。这让我深思：为何中共对已经流亡国外的异议者仍然如此紧张甚至恐惧？这不仅仅是因为中国国内对异议行动的高压政策，还有更深层次的原因值得探讨。

异议者选择在国际社会行动，首要原因在于这一平台的战略意义。在国内，异议声音被严厉打压，缺乏扩散和施压的渠道；而国际社会为异议者提供了宝贵的空间。通过揭露中国人权问题，异议者可以吸引全球舆论和媒体的关注，推动西方国家制定更强硬的对华政策。例如，香港流亡活动家罗冠聪成功将香港问题推向国际议程，使其成为西方国家对华关系中的重要议题。

中国社会结构的特点同样决定了反对运动更容易在国外展开。首先，国内公民的政治参与度极低。普通民众在高压环境下普遍选择沉默或冷漠，对政治风险保持距离。此外，中国迅速崛起的中产阶级为保护自身经济利益，通常更倾向于维护现状，而非挑战权力结构。

同时，国家宣传通过强化民族主义情绪，将异议者贴上“叛国者”或“卖国贼”的标签，进一步孤立他们。这种舆论导向使异议者在国内几乎无法获得支持，而被迫将目光投向国际社会。正如孙中山在清末时代选择于海外组建同盟会一样，现代异议者也在国际舞台上寻找突破口。

在国内宣传中，流亡的异议者经常被贴上“卖国贼”的标签，以削弱其国内支持。这种指控利用了民族主义的情绪，将异议者与“外国干预”挂钩，制造了国内舆论的割裂。然而，这种“卖国”论调是否成立？

从本质上看，反对中共与反对中国是两个完全不同的概念。异议者的目标并非毁灭中国，而是希望通过改变中共的专制体制，让中国社会变得更加自由、公正与民主。这种反对行动并不是为了迎合西方利益，而是出于对中国未来的责任感。事实上，历史上许多推翻专制政权的领导者都曾被执政者扣上“卖国”之名，例如孙中山被清政府视为“叛国者”，但后来的历史证明，他的努力是为了实现民族复兴与社会进步。

此外，国际社会的支持并非等同于“利用外国势力”。历史上，许多民主转型的国家都借助了外部力量，例如二战后欧洲在美国的支持下重建民主体制，南非种族隔离的结束也离不开全球的共同努力。这表明，国际声援是推动专制国家变革的重要力量，而非简单的“干涉内政”。

批评者常常质疑，流亡异议者远离国内，他们的行动是否真的能带来实质性改变？对此，需要从长期的角度来评估。

短期内，流亡者的影响力确实有限。中共依然拥有强大的宣传机器，能够淡化外部批评的影响；而国内民众在高压政策下，难以直接响应流亡者的号召。但这并不意味着流亡者的努力是徒劳无功的。事实上，历史证明，许多变革的发生都经历了漫长的积累过程。例如，苏联时期的持不同政见者在冷战中通过国际社会扩大影响，最终对苏联解体起到了推波助澜的作用。

长期来看，流亡者的影响力不可低估。他们不仅是对现体制的直接批评者，更是未来改革的潜在设计者。当体制出现裂缝时，流亡者的思想、组织和国际网络能够迅速填补空白，为新的社会秩序提供蓝图。香港的民主运动者正是在这一方面发挥了重要作用，通过争取全球的关注与支持，将民主价值观深植于国际社会的对华议程中。

流亡异议者的国际化行动，并非仅仅是一种无奈之举，而是对现实的战略性选择。从争取国际支持到推动国内觉醒，这些行动在多个层面上发挥着作用。虽然短期内的成效可能有限，但其长远影响不可忽视。中国的民主化进程，注定是一条漫长而曲折的道路，但正如历史所示，每一次真正的变革都始于那些敢于发声的人。而在今天的全球化时代，这种声音已经不再局限于国界之内。

Why are anti-communists abroad? What’s the point?

By Bin Yu, UK Headquarters of the CDP

Recently, I have actively participated in several international events, including a commemoration of the White Paper Movement held at the UK Parliament. This event was organized by cross-party MPs Iain Duncan Smith and Alex Sobel, both members of the Inter-Parliamentary Alliance on China (IPAC). IPAC aims to unite legislators from democratic nations to collectively counter the Chinese Communist Party’s influence on the global stage and reject any legislation that benefits the CCP. Notably, these two MPs represent the Conservative and Labour parties, respectively, highlighting that regardless of which party governs the UK, the fundamental policy stance against China’s authoritarian regime is unlikely to shift easily. Such cross-party cooperation not only helps curb the CCP’s international expansion but also provides dissenters with a broader platform for engagement and support.

On November 26 this year, I also organized an event to commemorate the two-year anniversary of the White Paper Movement. Prior to the event, I received a series of threatening emails, including attempts to impersonate Amnesty International to extract information and malicious inquiries targeting my real identity. This has led me to reflect deeply: why does the Chinese Communist Party remain so anxious and even fearful of dissenters who have already fled abroad? This phenomenon is not solely a result of the high-pressure policies against dissent within China but also suggests deeper underlying reasons that merit further exploration.

Dissenters choose to act on the international stage primarily because of its strategic significance. Within China, dissenting voices face severe suppression, lacking avenues for dissemination or exerting pressure, while the international community offers valuable space for their efforts. By exposing human rights issues in China, dissenters can draw global media attention and influence Western countries to adopt tougher policies toward China. For example, Hong Kong activist Nathan Law successfully brought Hong Kong’s struggles to the international agenda, making it a key issue in Western relations with China.

The unique characteristics of Chinese society also determine that opposition movements are more viable abroad. First, domestic political participation is exceedingly low. In a high-pressure environment, ordinary citizens often choose silence or apathy, distancing themselves from political risks. Moreover, China’s rapidly growing middle class, focused on safeguarding its economic interests, typically favors maintaining the status quo over challenging the power structure.

Simultaneously, state propaganda intensifies nationalist sentiments, branding dissenters as “traitors” or “sellouts,” further isolating them. This narrative leaves dissenters with almost no domestic support, forcing them to turn to the international stage. Just as Sun Yat-sen formed the Tongmenghui abroad during the late Qing Dynasty, modern dissenters seek breakthroughs on the global platform.

In domestic propaganda, exiled dissenters are often labeled as “traitors” to weaken their support at home. This accusation exploits nationalist sentiments, linking dissenters to “foreign interference” and fostering domestic division. But is the “traitor” label justified?

At its core, opposing the CCP is fundamentally different from opposing China. Dissenters do not aim to destroy China but to transform the CCP’s authoritarian system into a freer, fairer, and more democratic society. Their actions are not about catering to Western interests but stem from a deep sense of responsibility for China’s future. In fact, many leaders who overthrew authoritarian regimes were once branded as “traitors” by those in power—Sun Yat-sen was labeled a “rebel” by the Qing government, but history later proved his efforts were aimed at national rejuvenation and social progress.

Moreover, international support does not equate to “relying on foreign forces.” Historically, many democratic transitions have relied on external assistance. For example, post-World War II Europe rebuilt democratic systems with U.S. support, and the end of apartheid in South Africa depended on global solidarity. This demonstrates that international backing can be a vital force for change in authoritarian states, rather than mere “interference in internal affairs.”

Critics often question whether exiled dissenters, acting from afar, can bring about substantive change. This requires a long-term perspective.

In the short term, exiles’ influence is indeed limited. The CCP’s powerful propaganda machine can diminish the impact of external criticism, and domestic citizens, constrained by high-pressure policies, find it difficult to respond directly to exiles’ calls. However, this does not render their efforts futile. History shows that many transformative changes occur after prolonged accumulation. For instance, Soviet-era dissidents leveraged international platforms during the Cold War, ultimately contributing to the USSR’s collapse.

In the long run, exiles’ impact is significant. They are not only direct critics of the current system but also potential architects of future reforms. When cracks appear in the system, exiles’ ideas, organizational structures, and international networks can swiftly fill the void, providing blueprints for a new social order. Hong Kong’s pro-democracy activists exemplify this by embedding democratic values into the global agenda on China through their advocacy and international outreach.

The international actions of exiled dissenters are not merely acts of desperation but rather strategic responses to reality. From rallying global support to awakening domestic consciousness, these efforts operate on multiple levels. While short-term results may be limited, their long-term effects are undeniable. China’s path to democratization is destined to be long and challenging, but as history has shown, every meaningful transformation begins with those brave enough to speak out. In today’s globalized era, such voices are no longer confined by national borders.

2024年11月26日下午，中国民主党英国总部联合无组织民主人士和香港民运组织成员，在中国驻伦敦大使馆前举行了纪念“白纸革命”两周年的和平抗议活动。此次活动在广告宣传期间受到死亡威胁，有人发邮件声称：“如果你们在中国大使馆前搞事，我们就搞你们，到时候不见血不罢休！”。大约有30多人参加了此次活动。英国警方对此作出反应，在现场增派了警力。

2022年11月24日，新疆乌鲁木齐大火后，中国民众发起的一系列抗议活动，目标旨在反对中共清零政策，要求言论自由。在这些运动中，民众手举白纸，抗议中共“删帖、封号”以及剥夺民众的言论自由。很多民众因为手举白纸抗议，而被警方逮捕。白纸运动的范围波及中国多个城市和大学。2022年11月26日晚，上海市民在上海乌鲁木齐中路抗议，喊出“中共下台，习近平下台”的诉求。2022年11月27日晚，大批北京市民自发前往四通桥抗议，声援勇士彭载舟，并高呼彭载舟的口号“不要核酸要吃饭 不要封控要自由 不要谎言要尊严；不要文革要改革 不要领袖要选票 不做奴才做公民”。抗议的余波也传到了海外，全球几十个城市的华人和大批留学生也纷纷自发举行抗议，以声援国内的白纸运动。

此次在英国伦敦的纪念活动现场，参与者手举白纸及标志性的“乌鲁木齐中路”路牌，于寒风中齐声高喊“不要谎言要尊严、不要领袖要选票、不要文革要改革、不做奴才做公民”等白纸口号，表达了参与者对民主与自由的执着追求。

为了回应死亡威胁，中国民主党英国总部黄华先生特地抱病赶来组织了火线入党活动，共有10名新党员在现场宣誓入党。黄华先生手持麦克风发言说：“白纸运动打破了中共独裁统治，不可反对的恐怖神话。如果当年没有那些勇敢站出来的年轻人，今天或许你们中的一些人已经不在了。我们今天站在这里，就是为了纪念他们的勇敢行动，给予他们支持！那个死亡威胁适得其反，反而造成更多的年轻人加入我们的行列！全体党员，无论你是新党员还是老党员，举起你的右手，跟着我宣誓！让我们用实际行动来回应那个死亡威胁！”

现场，有多位演讲者分享了对抗中共极权的感悟。

活动组织者俞滨先生在演讲中说：“回顾白纸革命的两年，我始终在思考，这场运动究竟留下了什么。是失败吗？或许是的。但失败并不意味着毫无意义。它至少让一些人重新思考，让另一些人决心行动，而这或许就是改变的起点。尽管我们遭遇了多重骚扰与死亡威胁邮件，但参与者用行动表明了捍卫民主自由的决心：我们永远不会遗忘白纸革命，每年都会纪念。只要中共一日不放开言论自由，不释放所有政治犯，不停止一党独裁，我们就要反抗到底，决不妥协。”

活动组织者程敏先生在演讲中指出：“我们要了解并正视个体对抗极权时的孤独与危险。觉醒带来的不仅是思想的开拓与自由，同时也是深刻的孤独和无助。”他提到，民主的道路如履薄冰，每个人都为此失去了很多，但希望从未熄灭，脚步从未停下。

此次活动的顺利举行不仅是对“白纸革命”精神的致敬，更是一次对自由与民主的庄严承诺。参与者相信，这份微弱但不熄的火焰，将传递至更多人手中，直至点燃整个黑暗的长夜。

参与者名单（按姓氏首字母排序）：蔡梦杰、程敏、成亚利、成小丹、戴超、戴雪梅、顾
晓峰、郭会良、郭宇轩、何智威、黄华、兰子明、李亚伦、李景棠、李皓博、林明强、廖柳燕、卢灵飞、马建（非党员）、王冠儒、Thomas Hao，王建、王应河、韦伊铭、魏辰雨、徐伟华、俞滨、于伟梁、赵玉莲、朱嗣勇、以及三位不具名的其他党派民主人士。

中国民主党英国总部党员程敏供稿
2024年11月28日星期四

Fearless Death Threats – Second Anniversary of the White Paper Revolution in front of the Embassy in London

On the afternoon of 26th November 2024, the UK Headquarters of China Democracy Party, together with members of Unorganised Democracy and the Hong Kong pro-democracy movement, held a peaceful protest in front of the Chinese Embassy in London to commemorate the second anniversary of the ‘White Paper Revolution’. The event was advertised with death threats, with emails claiming: ‘If you do something in front of the Chinese Embassy, we’ll do something to you, and we won’t stop until there’s blood on our hands!’ . Around 30 people attended the event. The British police responded by deploying additional officers at the site.

On 24 November 2022, a series of protests initiated by the Chinese public in the aftermath of the Urumqi fires in Xinjiang were aimed at opposing the Chinese Communist Party’s policy of clearing the air and demanding freedom of speech. During these campaigns, people held up white paper to protest against the CCP’s ‘deletion of posts, blocking of numbers,’ and the denial of people’s freedom of expression. Many people were arrested by police for holding up white paper. The white paper movement spread to several cities and universities in China.2022 On the evening of 26 November 2022, Shanghai citizens protested on Urumqi Middle Road in Shanghai, shouting ‘Down with the CCP, down with Xi Jinping’.2022 On the evening of 27 November 2022, a large number of Beijing citizens went to Sitongqiao on their own accord to protest in solidarity with the warrior Peng Zaijiang, chanting the slogan ‘Peng Zaijiang’. They chanted Peng’s slogan: ‘Don’t want nuclear acid, want to eat, don’t want blockade, want freedom, don’t want lies, want dignity; don’t want the Cultural Revolution, want reform, don’t want leaders, want votes, don’t want to be a lackey, want to be a citizen’. The aftermath of the protest has also spread overseas, with Chinese and a large number of international students in dozens of cities around the world staging spontaneous protests in solidarity with the white paper movement in China.

At the commemorative event in London, UK, participants held up white paper and the iconic ‘Urumqi Middle Road’ road sign, and chanted white paper slogans such as ‘No lies, no leaders, no votes, no Cultural Revolution, no lackeys, no citizens’, expressing their support for democracy. These slogans expressed the participants’ persistent pursuit of democracy and freedom.

In response to the death threats, Mr. Huang Hua, from the UK Headquarters of China Democracy Party, rushed in sick to organise a firebrand membership event, where a total of 10 new members took the oath to join the party. Speaking with microphone in hand, Mr Huang Hua said, ‘The White Paper Campaign shattered the myth of the unopposed horror of the Chinese Communist Party’s dictatorial rule. Without those young people who bravely stood up back then, perhaps some of you would not be here today. We stand here today to honour their courageous actions and give them our support! That death threat backfired and instead caused more young people to join us! All members of the party, whether you’re new or old, raise your right hand and follow my pledge! Let’s respond to that death threat with real action!’

At the scene, a number of speakers shared their insights on fighting against the totalitarian power of the CCP.

In his speech, event organiser Mr Yu Bin said, ‘Looking back on the two years of the White Paper Revolution, I have always wondered what this movement has left behind. Was it a failure? Perhaps it was. But failure does not mean meaningless. It has at least made some people rethink and others resolve to act, and that may be the starting point for change. Despite the multiple harassment and death threat emails we encountered, the participants demonstrated their determination to defend democracy and freedom with their actions: we will never forget the White Paper Revolution and will commemorate it every year. As long as the CCP does not liberalise the freedom of speech, release all political prisoners and stop the one-party dictatorship, we will resist to the end and never compromise.’

In his speech, event organiser Mr Cheng Min said, ‘We need to understand and face up to the loneliness and danger of the individual in confronting totalitarianism. Awakening brings not only the opening up and freedom of thought, but also profound loneliness and helplessness.’ He mentioned that the road to democracy is like walking on thin ice, and everyone has lost a lot for it, but the hope is never extinguished and the footsteps never stop.

The success of this event is not only a tribute to the spirit of the ‘White Paper Revolution’, but also a solemn commitment to freedom and democracy. Participants believe that this weak but unquenchable flame will be passed on to more people, until it lights up the whole dark night.

List of participants (in alphabetical order): Cai Mengjie, Cheng Min, Cheng Yali, Cheng Xiaodan, Dai Chao, Dai Xuemei, Gu Xiaofeng, Guo Huiliang, Guo Huiliang, Guo Xiaodan, Xiaofeng Cai, Huiliang Guo, Yuxuan Guo, Zhiwei He, Hua Huang, Ziming Lan, Aaron Li, Jingtang Li, Haobo Li, Mingqiang Lin, Liu Liuyan Liao, Lingfei Lu, Jian Ma (non-member), Guanru Wang, Thomas Hao, Jian Wang, Yinghe Wang, Yiming Wei, Chenyu Wei, Weihua Xu, Bin Yu, Weiliang Yu, Yulian Zhao, Zhu Ziyong, and three anonymous other democrats.

Contributed by Cheng Min, a member of UK Headquarters of China Democracy Party

Thursday, 28 November 2024