2024年9月20日，星期四，由藏传佛教著名领袖——“第七世林仁波切”主讲的“四圣谛”日常修炼专题讲座于伦敦市区的Cavendish Venues会议厅召开。中国民主党英国总部的多位党员和许多中国佛教徒共同参加了此次讲座。本次讲座中，第七世林仁波切通过藏传佛教四圣谛的核心教义——“苦、集、灭、道”，强调苦是人生无法回避的现实，而通过修炼，认识并消解痛苦，才能在纷繁复杂的社会生活中保持心灵的安定与平和。此外，讲座还探讨了如何通过修习“道”来解决生活中的困境与挑战。仁波切以丰富的佛学知识结合实际案例，为在场信众提供了切实可行的修炼方法。与会人士超过一百位，因人数众多，部分人不得不站立聆听佛法。现场气氛安静祥和，大家静心聆听第七世林仁波切的宣讲，并在之后的问答环节积极与林仁波切进行互动与合影留念。

第七世林仁波切于1985年11月18日诞生于印度达兰藤拉。1987年由达赖喇嘛尊者认证为第六世克千永津林仁波切的转世。(第六世林仁波切于1983年圆寂)。第六世林仁波切是达赖尊者的精神导师，1959年仁波切陪同尊者一起西藏出走，尊者称仁波切为「我的根本上师」，仁波切也是第97任甘丹赤巴(甘丹赤巴一意为格鲁派法座持有者)，是20世纪最著名的圆满证悟大师，在藏传佛教的历史中占据着举足轻重的地位。第七世林仁波切也被达赖尊者寄予厚望，被视为藏传佛教格鲁派的新一代精神领袖。

中国民主党长期以来将支持宗教信仰自由作为党派的宗教政治纲领，反对政府和政治组织凭借政治权力限制宗教自由、迫害宗教人士。中国民主党致力于建成包容多个宗教共同发展进步的和谐社会，倡导思想的多元与开放。未来党部将继续组织参加类似活动，促进党部与各个宗教之间的交流与理解。

Members of the China Democracy Party’s UK Headquarters Attend the “Four Noble Truths” Practice Lecture

On Thursday, September 20, 2024, a special lecture on the daily practice of the “Four Noble Truths,” led by the renowned Tibetan Buddhist leader, the 7th Ling Rinpoche, was held at the Cavendish Venues Conference Hall. Several members of the China Democracy Party’s UK headquarters and many Chinese buddhists participated in the event. During the lecture, the 7th Ling Rinpoche emphasized the core teachings of the Four Noble Truths in Tibetan Buddhism—suffering, its origin, its cessation, and the path (dukkha, samudaya, nirodha, and magga). He stressed that suffering is an unavoidable reality of life. Through spiritual practice, one can recognize and dissolve suffering, maintaining inner peace and tranquility amidst the complexities of social life.

Additionally, the lecture explored how practicing the “path” can help overcome life’s challenges and difficulties. Drawing from his extensive knowledge of Buddhist teachings and real-life examples, Rinpoche offered the attendees practical methods for spiritual practice. More than 100 people attended the event, and due to the large number of participants, some had to stand while listening to the teachings. The atmosphere was peaceful and serene, with attendees attentively listening to the 7th Ling Rinpoche’s teachings. During the Q&A session that followed, participants actively engaged with Rinpoche and took photos with him.

The 7th Ling Rinpoche was born on November 18, 1985, in Dharamshala, India. In 1987, he was recognized by His Holiness the Dalai Lama as the reincarnation of the 6th Kyabje Yongzin Ling Rinpoche (the 6th Ling Rinpoche passed away in 1983). The 6th Ling Rinpoche was the spiritual teacher of His Holiness the Dalai Lama. In 1959, Rinpoche accompanied the Dalai Lama when they fled Tibet. The Dalai Lama referred to him as “my root guru”. Rinpoche also served as the 97th Ganden Tripa (the Ganden Tripa is the throne holder of the Gelug school), and he was one of the most renowned masters of realization in the 20th century, holding a pivotal position in the history of Tibetan Buddhism. The Dalai Lama has high hopes for the 7th Ling Rinpoche, who is regarded as the new generation spiritual leader of the Gelug tradition of Tibetan Buddhism.

The China Democracy Party has long supported religious freedom as part of its religious and political agenda and opposes the use of political power by governments and political organizations to restrict religious freedom or persecute religious individuals. The China Democracy Party is committed to building a harmonious society where multiple religions can develop and progress together, advocating for ideological diversity and openness. In the future, the Party will continue to organize and participate in similar events to promote communication and understanding between the Party and various religious groups.

中国的集权统治以其高度集中的权力结构和严格的控制机制闻名，这种体制导致人权问题日益严重。对异议人士的打压和信息封锁加剧了社会的压迫与不公。通过探讨方艺融和彭立发的故事，可以更深刻地理解中国目前的集权统治弊端，以及如何在高压环境中推动变革和争取自由。

方艺融的抗争：事件经过与背景

2024年7月30日，湖南娄底新化县的22岁青年方艺融在天桥上悬挂了反对独裁的标语，内容包括：“要自由，要民主，要选票！罢课罢工罢免独裁国贼习近平。”他通过这种方式揭示中国集权体制下的压迫，并呼吁公众关注政治改革和人权问题。

方艺融的行动迅速引起了地方政府的注意，他在悬挂标语时录制的视频表达了对中国未来的希望和对专制的抵制。然而，这一勇敢的举动也导致了政府的强烈打压。方艺融被逮捕，并面临严酷审问和折磨。中国民主党洛杉矶总部迅速组织了声援活动，通过集会、媒体宣传和社交平台传递对方艺融的支持信息，呼吁国际社会关注这一事件。

抗争与集权：共同点与勇气

方艺融和彭立发的抗争行动都体现了在中国集权体制下的勇敢与坚持。2022年10月13日，彭立发在北京中关村四通桥上悬挂了反对中共独裁的横幅，标语内容直指中国政府的严酷封控政策和政治体制。两人的行动不仅是对中国现状的挑战，也是对未来民主自由的渴望。

两人都面临着政府的严厉打压。彭立发因抗议行动被拘留，方艺融则因言论自由问题遭受严酷惩罚。两人的经历表明，在中国集权体制下，任何形式的异议行为都可能遭遇严酷的报复。

集权统治下的人权与政策

对异议人士的打压

中国的集权体制使得对异议人士的打压成为常态。彭立发和方艺融的经历正是这种打压的典型例证。政府通过监视、恐吓和逮捕来维持对社会的控制，压制异议声音，使得社会无法进行有效的讨论和反思，也阻碍了社会的进步和改革。对异议人士的严酷打压不仅损害了个人的自由和安全，还对社会的言论自由和公民权利造成了广泛侵害。

信息封锁与媒体控制

中国政府对信息的封锁和媒体的控制是集权体制下的另一个重要特征。政府通过审查和封锁网络信息，控制媒体报道，限制公众获取真实信息的渠道。近期，中国公安部和国家互联网信息办公室发布的《国家网络身份认证公共服务管理办法（征求意见稿）》和“网络身份证”试点就是典型例子。这些政策的实施进一步加强了对互联网的控制，限制了公众的言论自由和信息获取。

“网络身份证”的推出引起了广泛的关注和担忧。该系统要求老百姓申领网络身份证和网号，对各网络平台进行实名认证。民众普遍认为这类似于疫情期间的健康码，将个人上网行为常态化地监控起来。很多人担心，网证网号的应用将使政府能够更容易地对个体进行全程监控，实现全网封号禁言，精确到人实施断网。这不仅使得信息封锁和媒体控制更加严密，也使得异议声音难以发出。

方艺融和彭立发的勇敢抗争显示，即使在高压环境下，争取自由和民主的声音依然可以得到回应，并推动社会的进步。中国未来的变革需要更多人的勇气和坚持，共同推动社会的变革和人权的改善。

作者 ：中国民主党英国总部党员 闫磊

The Deterioration of Human Rights Issues in China: From Fang Yirong to Peng Lifa – Dictatorship and Resistance under Centralised Rule

China’s centralised rule is known for its highly centralised power structure and strict control mechanisms, a system that has led to growing human rights problems. The suppression of dissidents and the blocking of information have exacerbated social oppression and injustice. By exploring the stories of Fang Yirong and Peng Lifa, it is possible to gain a deeper understanding of the shortcomings of China’s current centralised rule and how to push for change and freedom in a repressive environment.

Fang Yirong’s Struggle: Events and Background

On 30 July 2024, 22-year-old Fang Yirong of Xinhua County in Loudi, Hunan Province, hung a banner against the dictatorship on a flyover, which read: ‘Want freedom, want democracy, want votes! Strike to remove the dictatorial state thief Xi Jinping.’ In this way, he revealed the oppression under China’s centralised system and called for public attention to political reform and human rights issues.

Fang Yirong’s action quickly drew the attention of the local government, and the video he recorded while hanging the banner expresses hope for China’s future and resistance to authoritarianism. However, this courageous act also led to a strong crackdown by the government. Fang Yirong was arrested and faced harsh interrogation and torture. The CDP’s Los Angeles headquarters quickly organised a solidarity campaign, delivering messages of support for Fang Yirong through rallies, media campaigns and social media platforms, and calling for international attention to the incident.

Resistance and Centralised Power: Common Ground and Courage

Both Fang Yirong’s and Peng Lifa’s acts of resistance demonstrate courage and perseverance in the context of China’s centralised system of power.2022 On 13 October, Peng Lifa hung a banner against the Chinese Communist Party’s dictatorship on Sitongqiao Bridge in Beijing’s Zhongguancun, with slogans that pointed to the government’s draconian policies of closure and control and its political system. Both men’s actions not only challenge China’s status quo, but also aspire to a future of democracy and freedom.

Both men have faced severe government repression. Peng Lifa was detained for his protests and Fang Yirong was severely punished for her freedom of expression. Both men’s experiences show that under China’s centralised system, any form of dissent can be met with harsh reprisals.

Human Rights and Policies under Centralised Rule

Repression of Dissent

China’s centralised system has made the suppression of dissent the norm. The experiences of Peng Lifa and Fang Yirong are typical examples of such repression. The government maintains control over society through surveillance, intimidation, and arrests, and the suppression of dissenting voices prevents effective discussion and reflection in society, and hinders social progress and reform. The harsh repression of dissidents not only undermines the freedom and security of individuals, but also causes widespread infringement on the freedom of expression and civil rights of society.

Information Blockade and Media Control

The Chinese government’s information blocking and media control is another important feature of the centralised system. By censoring and blocking information on the Internet and controlling media coverage, the government restricts the public’s access to truthful information. Recently, the Ministry of Public Security and the State Internet Information Office issued the ‘National Network Identity Authentication Public Service Management Measures (Draft for Public Comments)’ and the ‘Network ID Card’ pilot programme as typical examples. The implementation of these policies has further tightened control over the Internet, limiting the public’s freedom of expression and access to information.

The introduction of the ‘network identity card’ has caused widespread concern and worry. The system requires the general public to apply for an Internet identity card and a network number to authenticate their real names on various Internet platforms. The public generally regarded this as similar to the health code during an epidemic, which monitors individuals’ online behaviour on a regular basis. Many people are concerned that the application of the network ID and network number will enable the government to more easily monitor individuals throughout the process, achieve network-wide blocking and banning, and implement disconnection of the network precisely to the individual. This will not only make information blocking and media control tighter, but also make it difficult for dissenting voices to be heard.

The courageous protests of Fang Yirong and Peng Lifa show that even in high-pressure environments, voices fighting for freedom and democracy can still be heard and drive social progress. China’s future transformation will require the courage and perseverance of many more people to work together for social change and human rights improvement.

Author: Yan Lei, member of China Democracy Party UK Headquarters

中国共产党自从诞生之日起，就自诩为人民民主的进步政党，在与蒋介石争夺天下时，如《解放日报》等官媒更是民主金句不断，诸如“没有民主，一切都是假的”、 “自由和民主是现代社会的阳光和空气”、 “必须有完全的新闻自由”等放到今日来看依然毫不过时，单看彼时的中共，俨然是一心革除封建专制余孽，为了伟大事业抛头颅洒热血的民主斗士！然而1999年，中国作家笑蜀编撰了一本《历史的先声——来自半个世纪前的庄严承诺》，将这些中共上世纪40年代发表的民主金句尽数收录并出版，其中并未添加任何私货，结果此时早已坐稳江山，彻底暴露极权面目的中共被这记隔了半个世纪，由自己亲手发出的的回旋镖正中面门，独裁者岂能忍受这等阴阳怪气的嘲讽，中共恼羞成怒，两个月后时任中共中央宣传部长丁关根在会议上重点抨击此书的出版，并火速下令全国查禁，出版社停业整顿，出版社负责人调离原职，已出版书籍查封销毁，北京公安更是在图书馆翻来覆去寻找漏网之书，以这种自己啪啪打脸的桥段沦为全世界的笑柄。

民主制度的优缺点

现代民主制度绝非完美的制度，英国历史上最伟大的首相丘吉尔曾说过：“民主是最糟糕的制度，但它是我们所尝试过的所有制度中最不坏的。”诚然，民主制度总是伴随着一系列衍生问题，诸如决策效率低、周期长，政策不连贯，盲目迎合选民等，但就目前来说，民主是唯一真正实现了将权力关进笼子的社会制度，精妙的分权制衡与监督机制，确保了民主拥有强大的纠错机制。这也是民主制度的精髓，仅此一点民主就可以碾压独裁国家社会的所有“优点”。

中国的“全过程民主”

反观中国的“全过程民主”，中国的最高权力机构全国人大如今不过是习近平的掌中玩物，2900余名全国人大代表皆是冢中枯骨、举手机器。连任时间高达66年、公认建国以来资格最老的全国人大“常青树”申纪兰接受记者采访时曾有过一句惊世名言——“我非常拥护共产党。当代表就是要听党的话，我从来没有投过反对票”。申纪兰女士可能锄了一辈子地，以至于四肢发达头脑简单，不知道有些话是要放在心里不适合说出来的，也可能她只是希望借机向国家领袖表达她的忠诚，但无论是哪一种可能，根据她的实际作为来看，这番话很可能是她发自肺腑的真心话，但这也就意味着她当人民代表的一生中，曾经既支持人民公社，又支持取消人民公社。既支持大跃进，又支持取消大跃进。既支持文革，又支持平反文革。举手机器的风采在她身上体现的淋漓尽致。

权力与监督的失衡

中共自始至终就没有想过和老百姓分享权力，事实上，无论是自诩为进步政党，还是自称追求正义、代表最广大的农民也好，这些都没有实际意义，任何以暴力作为后盾、且权力不受制衡的政权最终都只会走上独裁极权这条路，西方国家的人民在实行对公权力的监督权时，总是保持十二分的警惕，将公权力视为洪水猛兽，时刻关注权力的牢笼有没有松懈的可能，此外传媒行业也在时刻运用舆论的力量行使监督政府的第四权，这种权力的有效分配与互相监督是民主制度的基石，既确保了权力是自下而上的赋予，也确保了权力只能在笼子里跳舞而不敢越雷池一步。

反观中国，姑且不谈胡温时期中国还残留着些许党内民主的氛围，自习近平这位“千古一帝”上任以来，中共种种倒行逆施不断，包括但不限于镇压监禁有良心的异见人士，以“四个意识”全方位加强中共对整个社会的掌控力，2018年更是悍然修改宪法，将国家主席“不得连任超过两届”的祖训删去，摆明了要终身连任。中国的媒体不见分毫的质疑和抗议之声，反而声情并茂地大唱赞歌，声称这是“符合国家事业发展需要、顺应人民意愿”、 “有助于推动宪法与时俱进、完善发展”。可谓毫无新闻工作者的操守，已彻底沦为中共的喉舌与宣传工具。而早在2016年，央视就曾在习近平前来视察时，明牌打出了“央视姓党，绝对忠诚，请您检阅”这等恬不知耻的溜须拍马标语。批评此事的任志强，也在2020年因发文痛斥习近平是“脱光了衣服也要当皇帝的小丑”而被捕入狱，皇帝震怒之下，下面的官员匆匆找了个理由将任志强重判了18年有期徒刑。

被滥用的公权力

近年来中共维稳费支出节节攀升，2020年中国的维稳经费已然超过军费开支7%，高达2100亿美元，纵观古今中外，可谓前无古人后无来者，要知道，这笔钱甚至远远超过覆盖14亿中国人免费医疗的所需。而庞大的维稳经费和社会管控带来的另一个问题，就是宣传与现实的巨大脱节，在新闻宣传里，中国的前景永远稳中向好，四海升平，是“全世界最安全的国家”，然而在现实里，针对无辜者的暴力恐怖事件频发，各地因遭遇不公的维权上访不断，恐慌弥漫在每个中国人的心中。

那么为什么中共可以如此肆意妄为而不必在乎影响和民意呢？正是因为中国的体制决定了权力是由上而下赋予，上级领导掌握着下级官员的生杀予夺，所以官员永远只需对上负责，2023年8月杜苏芮台风过境时，中共官员为了保住习近平钦点的“千年大计”雄安，在未通知泄洪转移和部署救援措施的前提下，悍然将洪水倾泻在70万常住人口的涿州，酿成一幕幕生离死别、流离失所的惨剧，究其根源不过是因为习近平是这些中共官员的权力来源罢了，他们的办事逻辑也很简单：“皇上重视雄安，做奴才的自然要为皇上分忧，就苦一苦百姓吧”，倘若这些官员是由人民选举，接受人民和媒体监督，那他们还敢冒天下之大不韪作出此等匪夷所思的决策吗？

权力只对权力来源负责，这一原则在中国的政治体制中显得尤为突出。在一个权力高度集中的体系中，官员的首要任务往往是取悦上级，而非服务于普通人民。这种结构使得权力的滥用成为常态。中国现行的体制虽然宣称实行“全过程民主”，但实质上却体现了权力的极端集中和对公民自由的压制。

结论

如果中国有实现民主自由的那一天，必须实现权力的自下而上的赋予。公权力真正来源于人民，绝非人手一张选票那么简单。完善的分权制衡与监督机制，同时公众对政治有清醒的认知和警惕，才能有效遏制权力的腐败和滥用。民主制度并非完美无缺，但它通过权力的分散和系统的监督，提供了一种相对有效的方式来约束权力、保护公民权益。中国的未来在于学习和借鉴这些经验，推进真正的权力改革，让权力对人民负责，而不是仅仅对上级负责。唯有如此，中国才能避免当前的权力滥用，实现真正的公平和进步。

作者：中国民主党英国总部党员程敏

Power and Accountability: The Downfall of Absolute Power. The Chinese Communist Party’s Promises and Reality

From its inception, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) claimed to be a progressive party advocating for people’s democracy. During its struggle against Chiang Kai-shek, party media such as Liberation Daily were filled with pro-democracy rhetoric like “Without democracy, everything is fake”, “Freedom and democracy are the sunlight and air of modern society”, and “Complete freedom of the press is essential”. These slogans, still relevant today, painted the CCP as democratic warriors sacrificing for a great cause. However, in 1999, Chinese writer Xiao Shu published The Voice of History: The Solemn Promise from Half a Century Ago, compiling these quotes without any personal commentary. The CCP, by then firmly in power and showing its true authoritarian nature, was infuriated. In response, then-Minister of Propaganda Ding Guangen criticized the book and swiftly banned it nationwide, shutting down the publisher and destroying the books, turning this self-inflicted humiliation into a global laughingstock.

The Pros and Cons of Democracy

Modern democratic systems are far from perfect. As Winston Churchill, one of the greatest British Prime Ministers, famously said, “Democracy is the worst form of government, except for all the others that have been tried.” Indeed, democracy often comes with inefficiencies, long decision-making processes, and the risk of populism. However, it remains the only system that effectively confines power within a cage. The intricate checks and balances ensure a robust mechanism for correcting mistakes. This inherent strength of democracy alone allows it to surpass all the “advantages” claimed by autocratic regimes.

China’s “Whole-Process Democracy”

In contrast, China’s so-called “whole-process democracy” is a farce. The National People’s Congress, China’s highest authority, is merely a puppet of Xi Jinping, with its 2,900 representatives acting as mere rubber stamps. For instance, Shen Jilan, the longest-serving delegate since the founding of the People’s Republic, once famously said, “I wholeheartedly support the Communist Party. Being a representative means listening to the Party. I have never voted against any proposal.” This statement, whether out of loyalty or naivety, reveals her as a mere tool of the Party, supporting contradictory policies without question.

The Imbalance of Power and Supervision

The CCP has never intended to share power with the people. Regardless of its claims of pursuing justice and representing the majority, any regime backed by violence and unchecked power inevitably becomes dictatorial. In Western democracies, citizens vigilantly monitor public power, and the media plays a crucial role as the fourth estate. This effective distribution and mutual supervision of power are the cornerstones of democracy, ensuring power is granted from the bottom up and remains confined within legal boundaries.

Conversely, since Xi Jinping’s rise to power, China has regressed into stricter authoritarianism, cracking down on dissidents, enforcing the “Four Consciousnesses” to strengthen control, and abolishing presidential term limits to allow Xi’s indefinite rule. Chinese media, instead of questioning, sings praises for these moves, showcasing its transformation into a mere propaganda tool. In 2016, CCTV even shamelessly displayed a banner proclaiming “CCTV is loyal to the Party, please inspect us” during Xi’s visit, leading to the arrest and heavy sentencing of critic Ren Zhiqiang in 2020.

The Abuse of Public Power

China’s stability maintenance expenditures have skyrocketed, exceeding military spending by 7% in 2020, totalling $210 billion. This unprecedented expenditure highlights a stark disconnect between propaganda and reality. While the media portrays China as the safest country globally, the reality is marked by frequent violent incidents and widespread unrest among citizens facing injustice.

The root of the CCP’s unchecked actions lies in its top-down power structure. Officials are accountable only to their superiors, not the people. During the 2023 Typhoon Doksuri, to protect Xi Jinping’s “Millennium Plan” for Xiong’an, officials diverted floodwaters to Zhuozhou without proper warning or evacuation, causing widespread devastation. This decision reflects the simple logic: “The Emperor values Xiong’an, so we must alleviate his worries, even if it means sacrificing the people.” If these officials were elected and accountable to the people and media, would they dare to make such reckless decisions?

Conclusion

For China to achieve true democracy and freedom, power must be granted from the bottom up, originating from the people. This involves more than just having a vote; it requires a robust system of checks and balances and a vigilant public. While democracy is not flawless, its decentralisation of power and systematic oversight provide an effective way to curb corruption and protect citizens’ rights. China’s future lies in learning from these experiences, advancing genuine reforms, and ensuring that power is accountable to the people, not just to superiors. Only then can China avoid the current abuses of power and achieve true fairness and progress.

Author: Cheng Min, Member of the UK Headquarters of China Democracy Party

我们都知道，每个中国的孩子从记事起就开始接受系统化的教育，这种教育不仅仅是为了传授知识，更重要的是在潜移默化中塑造他们的思想和价值观。从幼儿园的红歌开始，到小学的红领巾，再到中学的共青团，最后到大学的入党，一步步将共产党的理念深深植入每个孩子的心中。这种教育方式不仅向每个中国人灌输忠诚于党的思想，还通过灌输历史仇恨，将对于外国的敌对情绪根植于每个中国人内心深处。本文将略微探讨这种洗脑教育的具体形式及其对中国人思想和行为的深远影响。

每个中国人自打“出厂”以来，都毫无例外地接受着共产党流水线式的洗脑教育。从幼年起，我们便被教导“爹亲娘亲没有毛主席亲”，“没有共产党就没有新中国”，“东方红太阳升，中国出了个毛泽东”等等。诸如此类歌颂共产党的红歌数不胜数，几乎任何一个还没识字的孩子都可以朗朗上口地唱几句红歌。

等到孩子上了小学，鲜红的红领巾便迫不及待地缠上幼嫩的脖子，时刻提醒着孩子要学习先辈，忠党爱国。在2000年代那会儿，如果上学忘记带红领巾，将是一种很严肃的错误，会被教师体罚甚至要求回家去取。上了初中后，红领巾被取下来了，接踵而来的又是共青团的宣誓，之后大学则是入党。在中国人建立三观最重要的十年里，共产党从未有一天缺席，相反，他们始终牢牢占据着孩子心中至关重要的位置，不厌其烦地教导每一个孩子要爱党爱国。共产党的宣传从不避讳这一点，永远是把党放在国前面，而经历了数千年封建专制统治的中国人也丝毫不以为奇，只觉得理所当然。

我们在中国长大的年轻人，绝大多数的童年都经历过这样一件事：当我们深夜在家中哭闹不休时，我们的父母或长辈有时会吓唬我们——如果再哭闹，外面的豺狼或者鬼怪便会来将你抓走。这种恐吓对于幼时的孩子往往分外有效，而共产党也正是采取了与这种恐吓如出一辙却百试不爽的方法，从另一种角度完成了对中国人的洗脑。

一方面，中国人经过几千年来的儒家思想驯化，骨子里期盼的就是君圣臣贤的专制“盛世”；另一方面，中国近代百年来被侵略的屈辱历史也是共产党施行仇恨教育的绝佳背景。中共在几十年间拍摄、出版了数以千计歌颂美化自身的电影、电视剧以及书籍，在这些作品中大肆丑化、甚至妖魔化它的敌人们，刻意引导每一个中国人去仇恨外国。“帝国主义亡我之心不死”，这一句中国人耳熟能详的名言和“没有共产党就没有新中国”一样，都是中共通过几十年如一日的洗脑教育烙印在每一个中国人内心最深处的刻印。

这种仇恨与忠诚双管齐下的洗脑模式，塑造了今天中国人在面临国际事件时的矛盾心态。一方面，中国人对中共统治下的中国非常自豪，中国的民族凝聚力和国家认同感远超世界上任何一个民主国家，这也是中共施行洗脑教育的根本目的。但另一方面，大多数中国人因为受到长期的洗脑而缺乏国际视野与思维的开放性，看待问题缺乏缜密的逻辑和理性的思考。比起现代化国家的国民，他们倒更像是二战时期日本军国主义的余孽。中国的社交媒体上充斥着诸如“核平台湾”、“东京大屠杀”之类的暴论，而中共出于政治需要，对这类言论往往视而不见，反而积极删除和屏蔽那些本就是少数派的理性发言。

长此以往，当内部矛盾激化到不可调节，文革2.0或是武力侵略台湾只怕是不远了。

作者：中國民主黨英國總部黨員程敏

“Hatred and Loyalty: The Profound Impact of CCP Brainwashing Education”

We all know that every Chinese child begins to receive systematic education from a very young age. This education is not just about imparting knowledge; more importantly, it subtly shapes their thoughts and values. Starting with the “red songs” in kindergarten, moving on to the red scarves in elementary school, then the Communist Youth League in middle school, and finally party membership in college, the Communist Party’s ideology is deeply ingrained in every child’s heart step by step. This educational approach not only instills loyalty to the Party in every Chinese person but also roots hostility towards foreign nations deep within their hearts through historical hatred. This article will briefly explore the specific forms of this brainwashing education and its profound impact on the thoughts and behaviors of Chinese people.

Every Chinese person, since “leaving the factory,” has been inevitably subjected to the Communist Party’s assembly line-like brainwashing education. From a young age, we are taught slogans like “Parents are dear, but not as dear as Chairman Mao,” “Without the Communist Party, there would be no new China,” and “The East is Red, the Sun rises, China has produced a Mao Zedong.” There are countless such red songs praising the Communist Party, and almost any child who hasn’t yet learned to read can sing a few lines of these red songs.

When children enter elementary school, the bright red scarves eagerly wrap around their tender necks, constantly reminding them to learn from their predecessors and to be loyal to the Party and love the country. In the 2000s, forgetting to wear a red scarf to school was considered a serious mistake, resulting in punishments from teachers or even being sent home to retrieve it. After entering middle school, the red scarf is taken off, only to be replaced by the pledge of the Communist Youth League, followed by Party membership in college. Throughout the most formative decade of establishing their worldview, the Communist Party never misses a single day, always occupying a crucial place in children’s hearts, tirelessly teaching each child to love the Party and the country. The Party’s propaganda never shies away from placing the Party before the country, and the Chinese people, who have endured thousands of years of feudal autocracy, find this completely natural.

Many of us who grew up in China have experienced this: when we cried incessantly at night, our parents or elders would sometimes scare us, saying that if we continued crying, wolves or monsters outside would come and take us away. Such threats are often very effective on young children, and the Communist Party adopts a similar yet foolproof method to complete the brainwashing of the Chinese people from another perspective.

On one hand, after thousands of years of Confucian indoctrination, Chinese people inherently long for a “Golden Age” of benevolent autocracy. On the other hand, the century-long history of humiliation and invasion is the perfect backdrop for the Communist Party to implement hatred education. Over several decades, the CCP has produced and published thousands of movies, TV dramas, and books glorifying itself, while vilifying and even demonizing its enemies in these works, deliberately guiding every Chinese person to hate foreign countries. Phrases like “Imperialism never dies” are as familiar to Chinese ears as “Without the Communist Party, there would be no new China,” both being indelible imprints of the CCP’s decades-long brainwashing education.

This dual approach of instilling hatred and loyalty has shaped the contradictory mindset of Chinese people when facing international events. On one hand, Chinese people are extremely proud of the China under CCP rule, with a sense of national cohesion and identity far surpassing any democratic country in the world, which is the fundamental purpose of CCP brainwashing education. But on the other hand, most Chinese people, due to long-term brainwashing, lack international perspective and open-minded thinking, often viewing issues without logical rigor and rational consideration. Compared to citizens of modernized countries, they are more akin to remnants of WWII-era Japanese militarism. Chinese social media is filled with extreme rhetoric like “nuke Taiwan” or “Tokyo massacre,” and the CCP, for political reasons, often turns a blind eye to such comments while actively deleting and blocking the rational voices, which are already a minority.

In the long run, when internal conflicts become irreconcilable, a Cultural Revolution 2.0 or military invasion of Taiwan may not be far off.

Author: Cheng Min, Member of the UK Headquarters of China Democracy Party

2024年7月13日，为纪念中国著名异见人士刘晓波逝世七周年，中国民主党英国总部与欧洲之声联合举办了一场庄严而充满意义的纪念活动。此次活动在伦敦市中心Royal Natonal Hotel的一个会议厅举行，吸引了来自各地的民主人士、人权活动家、学者以及中国民主党党员，共同缅怀这位为中国民主事业献身的伟大人物。

活动开始，首先由中国民主党全国联合总部副主席、中国民主党英国总部主席王冠儒向与会嘉宾和党员致欢迎词，然后主持人欧洲之声社长廖天琪女士介绍了刘晓波的生平和他的主要事迹。刘晓波是中国著名的文学评论家、学者及人权活动家，因其倡导民主、自由和人权而屡次被捕。他最著名的事迹之一是起草了《零八宪章》，该宪章呼吁中国进行政治改革，建立宪政民主。2010年，刘晓波被授予诺贝尔和平奖，但他却因“煽动颠覆国家政权罪”被判处11年监禁，并于2017年在狱中患肝癌去世。

随后，中国民主党英国总部和欧洲之声的负责人分别发表了讲话。他们回顾了刘晓波为争取中国民主和人权所作出的巨大牺牲，强调了他的精神遗产对当今中国和世界的深远影响。讲话中提到，尽管刘晓波已经离世，但他的思想和精神依然激励着无数追求自由和公正的人们。接下来，几位特邀嘉宾发表了演讲，包括著名的中国问题专家、作家和人权活动家。他们分别从不同的角度探讨了刘晓波的思想遗产、当前中国的人权状况以及国际社会应对中国人权问题的策略。一位嘉宾深情回忆了他与刘晓波的几次会面，分享了刘晓波在私下里温暖而坚定的一面，使与会者对这位伟人的个人形象有了更为立体的认识。活动还安排了视频播放环节，展示了刘晓波生前的一些珍贵影像资料。屏幕上，刘晓波那坚定的目光和温和的话语仿佛穿越时空，直击人心。

中国民主党英国总部的党员卢灵飞、朱双林、李景棠、朱司勇、胡晓等深受感动，在会议现场积极参与发言，表达对自由民主的追求和对刘晓波的深刻缅怀。

此次纪念活动分上午的现场活动和下午的网络活动，下午会议结束，与会人士赶到中国驻伦敦大使馆举行抗议活动。此次活动不仅是对刘晓波个人的缅怀，更是对自由、民主和人权普世价值的坚定支持。通过这样的纪念活动，刘晓波的精神得以传承，他的追求也将继续激励更多人投身于争取自由与正义的事业中。

参与此次活动的党员：王冠儒、黄华、蒋玉山、Thomas、林丽君、李亚伦、靳雪涔、刘恩成、于伟梁、郭宇轩、赵强、廖柳燕、罗宾、闫磊、李皓博、周亮、阮谦、顾晓峰、兰子明、林明强、朱双林、魏辰雨、徐伟华、周亮、朱司勇、周小斌、黄林、韦伊铭、李景棠、胡晓、卢灵飞、王建、陈明旺、David、 Junius Tian等

中国民主党英国总部报道

Commemoration of the Seventh Anniversary of Liu Xiaobo’s Death

On July 13, 2024, to commemorate the seventh anniversary of the death of prominent Chinese dissident Liu Xiaobo, the UK Headquarters of China Democracy Party and the Voice of Europe jointly organized a solemn and meaningful commemorative event. The event was held in a conference hall at the Royal National Hotel in central London, attracting democrats, human rights activists, scholars, and members of the China Democracy Party from various regions to honor this great figure who dedicated his life to the cause of democracy in China.

The event began with a welcoming speech by Wang Guanru, Vice Chairman of the National Joint Headquarters of the China Democracy Party and Chairman of the UK Headquarters of China Democracy Party, addressing the guests and party members. Then, Liao Tianqi, President of the Voice of Europe, introduced Liu Xiaobo’s life and his major achievements. Liu Xiaobo was a renowned literary critic, scholar, and human rights activist in China, repeatedly imprisoned for his advocacy of democracy, freedom, and human rights. One of his most notable achievements was drafting the “Charter 08,” which called for political reform and the establishment of constitutional democracy in China. In 2010, Liu Xiaobo was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize, but he was sentenced to 11 years in prison for “inciting subversion of state power” and died of liver cancer in custody in 2017.

Subsequently, the leaders of the UK Headquarters of China Democracy Party and the Voice of Europe delivered speeches. They recalled Liu Xiaobo’s tremendous sacrifices for democracy and human rights in China, emphasizing the profound impact of his spiritual legacy on contemporary China and the world. It was mentioned in the speeches that although Liu Xiaobo has passed away, his ideas and spirit continue to inspire countless individuals pursuing freedom and justice. Following this, several invited guests, including well-known China experts, writers, and human rights activists, gave speeches. They explored Liu Xiaobo’s intellectual legacy, the current human rights situation in China, and the international community’s strategies for addressing human rights issues in China from various perspectives. One guest fondly recalled several meetings with Liu Xiaobo, sharing his warm and resolute demeanor in private, providing attendees with a more comprehensive understanding of this great figure. The event also featured a video segment showcasing some precious footage of Liu Xiaobo. On the screen, Liu Xiaobo’s steadfast gaze and gentle words seemed to transcend time and space, touching hearts.

Party members of the UK Headquarters of China Democracy Party, including Lu Lingfei, Zhu Shuanglin, Li Jingtang, Zhu Siyong, and Hu Xiao, were deeply moved and actively participated in the discussions, expressing their pursuit of freedom and democracy and their profound remembrance of Liu Xiaobo.

The commemoration consisted of a morning in-person event and an afternoon online event. After the afternoon meeting concluded, attendees proceeded to the Chinese Embassy in London for a protest. This event was not only a commemoration of Liu Xiaobo but also a firm support for the universal values of freedom, democracy, and human rights. Through such commemorations, Liu Xiaobo’s spirit is perpetuated, and his pursuit continues to inspire more people to engage in the struggle for freedom and justice.

Participants in the Event

Wang Guanru, Huang Hua, Jiang Yushan, Thomas, Lin Lijun, Li Yafei, Jin Xueqin, Liu Encheng, Yu Weiliang, Guo Yuxuan, Zhao Qiang, Liao Liuyan, Robin, Yan Lei, Li Haobo, Zhou Liang, Ruan Qian, Gu Xiaofeng, Lan Ziming, Lin Mingqiang, Zhu Shuanglin, Wei Chenyu, Xu Weihua, Zhou Liang, Zhu Siyong, Zhou Xiaobin, Huang Lin, Wei Yiming, Li Jingtang, Hu Xiao, Lu Lingfei, Wang Jian, Chen Mingwang, David, Junius Tian, and others.

Reported by the UK Headquarters of China Democracy Party.

2024年6月9日下午，中国民主党英国总部与英国港侨协会、香港监察等团体在香港政府驻伦敦经贸办（HKETO）外，举行了一场集会抗议活动，要求英国政府关闭HKETO并撤销其外交豁免权。

此次抗议活动是中国民主党英国总部响应近年来香港局势恶化以及对中共政府持续打压香港民主活动的不满而发起的。活动当天，抗议者们在HKETO外聚集，高举自制标语和旗帜，标语上写着“反对中共独裁”、“关闭HKETO”、“撤销外交豁免权”等口号。他们希望通过此次集会向国际社会传递强烈的信息，呼吁各界关注香港的民主和人权状况。

抗议活动中，香港民主团体组织了升旗仪式，升起了象征香独立的蓝白旗帜。这一象征性举动表达了抗议者对香港民主的坚定支持，并向路过的行人和媒体传达了他们的诉求。期间，香港民主团体的代表发表了慷慨激昂的讲话，强调香港当前面临的严峻挑战，呼吁国际社会加大对香港民主运动的支持力度。代表的讲话得到了在场抗议者的热烈响应和掌声。

参加此次活动的中国民主党英国总部的党员们纷纷表达了自己的看法和诉求。党员们表示：“我们要求关闭HKETO并撤销其外交豁免权，因为HKETO不仅没有履行其促进香港与国际社会交流的职能，反而成为了中共政府在英国进行政治渗透的工具”。“香港的民主运动需要全球的关注和支持，只有通过国际社会的压力，才能促使香港政府和中共政府做出改变。”

据了解，近年来香港的政治环境日益紧张，自《香港国安法》实施以来，香港的民主运动和言论自由受到极大压制。许多民主派人士被逮捕或流亡海外，国际社会对香港局势的关注和谴责不断增加。然而，中共政府对外界的批评不以为然，继续推行其强硬政策。

此次抗议活动的组织者表示，他们将继续通过各种形式的活动，争取更多国际社会的支持，并希望英国政府能正视他们的诉求，采取行动关闭HKETO，撤销其外交豁免权。他们坚信，只有在国际社会的共同努力下，香港才能迎来真正的民主和自由。

参加此次活动的党员：林丽君、李亚伦、靳雪涔、郭宇轩、闫磊、李皓博、周亮、徐伟华、朱司勇、王建、Junius Tian等

本次活动召集人：李亚伦   新闻报道撰稿人：闫磊

中国民主党英国总部

UK Headquarters of China Democracy Party Protests to Demand Closure of Hong Kong Government’s London Office

On the afternoon of June 9, 2024, the UK Headquarters of China Democracy Party, in collaboration with the British Hong Kongers Association and Hong Kong Watch, organized a protest outside the Hong Kong Economic and Trade Office (HKETO) in London. The protest aimed to demand the closure of HKETO and the revocation of its diplomatic immunity by the British government.

This protest was initiated by the UK Headquarters of China Democracy Party in response to the worsening situation in Hong Kong and the ongoing crackdown on democracy activists by the Chinese government. On the day of the protest, demonstrators gathered outside HKETO, holding up homemade signs and banners with slogans such as “Oppose CCP Dictatorship,” “Close HKETO,” and “Revoke Diplomatic Immunity.” They hoped to send a strong message to the international community and draw attention to the state of democracy and human rights in Hong Kong.

During the protest, Hong Kong democracy groups organized a flag-raising ceremony, hoisting the blue and white flag symbolizing Hong Kong independence. This symbolic gesture expressed the protesters’ steadfast support for Hong Kong’s democracy and conveyed their demands to passersby and the media. Representatives from Hong Kong democracy groups delivered impassioned speeches, highlighting the severe challenges currently facing Hong Kong and calling for increased international support for the democracy movement. Their speeches were met with enthusiastic responses and applause from the protesters.

Members of the UK Headquarters of China Democracy Party expressed their views and demands during the event. They stated, “We demand the closure of HKETO and the revocation of its diplomatic immunity because HKETO has not fulfilled its role of promoting Hong Kong’s engagement with the international community. Instead, it has become a tool for the CCP’s political infiltration in the UK.” “Hong Kong’s democracy movement needs global attention and support. Only through international pressure can we compel the Hong Kong government and the CCP to make changes.”

In recent years, the political environment in Hong Kong has become increasingly tense. Since the implementation of the Hong Kong National Security Law, the democracy movement and freedom of speech in Hong Kong have been severely repressed. Many democracy activists have been arrested or have fled abroad, while international attention and condemnation of the situation in Hong Kong have intensified. However, the CCP has largely ignored external criticism and continues to enforce its hardline policies.

The organizers of this protest stated that they would continue to engage in various forms of activism to garner more international support. They hope that the British government will take their demands seriously and take action to close HKETO and revoke its diplomatic immunity. They firmly believe that with the concerted efforts of the international community, Hong Kong can achieve true democracy and freedom.

Participants in the protest included: Lijun Lin, Aaron Li, Xuecen Jin, Yuxuan Guo, Lei Yan, Haobo Li, Liang Zhou, Weihua Xu, Siyong Zhu, Jian Wang, and Junius Tian, among others.

Organized by: Aaron Li Report by: Lei Yan

UK Headquarters of China Democracy Party

2024年6月4日晚间，中国民主党英国总部、在英港人、藏人等团体在伦敦中国大使馆前举行了纪念六四事件35周年的活动。该悼念活动由1989年曾经与时任中国总理对话的学生代表发起组织。这次活动不仅是对那场历史事件的追忆，更是对中国大陆人权现状的声讨和呼吁。

活动在晚上八点拉开帷幕，活动现场悬挂：“调查六四真相，追究屠城责任，结束独裁暴政，建设民主联盟”的大标语。的参与者也手持横幅和标语，上面写着“纪念六四，勿忘历史”和“争取民主，结束专制”等字样。活动现场，气氛庄严而肃穆，，纪念1989年在天安门广场上牺牲的学生和市民。活动中，邵江和著名流亡作家马建都发表了讲话。他们在讲话中回顾了六四事件的经过，特别是邵江强调：六四事件不只是在天安门发生，亦不止一个晚上，而是在北京不同范围、历时72小时的屠杀。痛斥当年中国政府对和平示威的暴力镇压。他们强调，这场悲剧不仅是中国的伤痛，更是全人类的耻辱。他们呼吁国际社会不要忘记六四的牺牲者。活动组织者表示，虽然已经过去35年，但六四事件的真相依旧被中国政府掩盖，受害者的家属仍然无法得到应有的道歉和赔偿。

中国民主党英国总部的党员们手持：We will never forget的标语和纪念六四事件的海报，表达着他们对六四遇难者的深切悼念之情。第一次参与六四纪念活动的年轻党员李亚伦表示：作为逃离中共政权暴政的年轻人，他深知自由与幸福对于生活在共产主义政权下的年轻人几乎是不可能的事，他认为中国的年轻人必须勇于斗争，传承六四的精神。本次活动在雨中落下帷幕，雨滴彷佛亦在为35年前六四死难者哭泣。

这次纪念活动引起了广泛的国际媒体关注，多家媒体进行了报道。很多报道指出，在全球范围内，越来越多的人开始意识到中国的人权问题，并对中国政府的行为表示谴责。中国民主党英国总部的党员们希望通过这样的纪念活动，能够唤起更多人的良知，让全世界共同努力，推动中国早日实现民主和自由。

参与本次活动的党员：王冠儒、蒋玉山、Thomas、林丽君、陈明旺、郭宇轩、靳雪涔、刘恩成、李亚伦、闫磊、李皓博、周亮、赵强、王建、王宇峻、顾晓锋、朱双林、兰子明、林明强、迟帅本、朱司勇、王应和、Junius Tian 等。

中国民主党英国总部Junius Tian报道

35th Anniversary of the Tiananmen Square Massacre: Commemoration Event Outside the Chinese Embassy in London

On the evening of June 4, 2024, the UK Headquarters of the China Democracy Party, along with groups of Hong Kongers, Tibetans, and others in the UK, held a commemoration event outside the Chinese Embassy in London to mark the 35th anniversary of the Tiananmen Square Massacre. The event was organized by a former student representative who had a dialogue with the then Chinese Premier in 1989. This commemoration was not only a remembrance of the historical event but also a denunciation and call to action regarding the current human rights situation in China.

The event commenced at 8 PM, featuring a large banner that read: “Investigate the Truth of June Fourth, Hold Those Responsible for the Massacre Accountable, End Dictatorship, and Build a Democratic Alliance.” Participants held banners and signs with messages like “Remember June Fourth, Never Forget History” and “Fight for Democracy, End Autocracy.” The atmosphere was solemn and respectful, honoring the students and citizens who perished in Tiananmen Square in 1989.

During the event, Shao Jiang and renowned exiled writer Ma Jian gave speeches. They recounted the events of the Tiananmen Square Massacre, with Shao Jiang emphasizing that the massacre was not confined to Tiananmen Square or to one night; it was a 72-hour massacre that occurred across various areas in Beijing. They condemned the violent crackdown on peaceful demonstrators by the Chinese government and stressed that this tragedy is not only a scar on China but a disgrace to humanity. They called on the international community to remember the victims of June Fourth.

The organizers noted that although 35 years have passed, the truth of the Tiananmen Square Massacre remains concealed by the Chinese government, and the families of the victims have yet to receive a proper apology and compensation.

Members of the UK Headquarters of the China Democracy Party held signs reading “We will never forget” and posters commemorating the June Fourth incident, expressing their deep condolences for the victims. First-time participant and young party member, Aaron Li, expressed that as a young person who fled the tyranny of the CCP regime, he understands that freedom and happiness are nearly impossible for those living under communist rule. He believes that young people in China must bravely fight and carry forward the spirit of June Fourth.

The event concluded in the rain, with raindrops seemingly weeping for the victims of the massacre 35 years ago. This commemoration attracted significant international media attention, with numerous outlets covering the event. Many reports highlighted the growing global awareness of China’s human rights issues and condemned the actions of the Chinese government. The members of the UK Headquarters of the China Democracy Party hope that such commemoration events will awaken more people’s consciences, urging the world to work together to achieve democracy and freedom in China as soon as possible.

Participants of the event included: Guanru Wang, Yushan Jiang, Thomas, Lijun Lin, Mingwang Chen, Yuxuan Guo, Xuecen Jin, Encheng Liu, Aaron Li, Lei Yan, Haobo Li, Liang Zhou, Qiang Zhao, Jian Wang, Yujun Wang, Xiaofeng Gu, Shuanglin Zhu, Ziming Lan, Mingqiang Lin, Shuaiben Chi, Siyong Zhu, Yinghe Wang, Junius Tian, among others.

Reported by Junius Tian, China Democracy Party UK Headquarters

——中国民主党英国总部党员在英国议会广场参加六四35周年纪念活动

是的，六四是祭日，天安门母亲会在这一天，纪念英年早逝的孩子们。

是的，六四是生日，当年学运的亲历者们和后继者们，从这一天开始，为民主而生，为民主而战。

2024年6月2日下午2时30分，中国民主党英国总部党员们赶到位于伦敦市中心的英国议会广场，参加了由在英民主党派、CHINA DEVIANTS团体、香港流亡民众联合举办的声势浩大的六四35周年纪念活动。

中国民主党英国总部党员们身穿统一服装参加千人集会纪念六四35周年。

从4月15日胡耀邦去世引爆学运，到六月四日凌晨坦克开进天安门广场，短短50天时间，民主活了，又死了。

35年，大多数中国老百姓会有这样一种感觉，日子比当年，那是好过多了。为什么会有这种感觉？中国这几十年的的经济发展成果有目共睹，大多数中国人是实实在在受益的，差别只在多多少少而已。于是，经济发展红利就像鸦片，让人们不知不觉中渐渐上瘾，温水煮青蛙的岁月中，又或主动或被动地消磨了心底对民主、自由的期许。

当年参加学生运动的主要食85、86、87、88级的大学生，多数处于18到22岁的年纪，热血，真诚，对民主和科学充满热忱和憧憬。如今，他们之中最年轻的也已经53岁。

而由于中共当局一贯以来实行新闻封锁，愚民铁幕之下，中国大多数年轻的90后、00后对于八九六四缺乏认知，对当年那场几乎改写中国历史的民主运动，更是无从窥其真实全景。

中国民主党英国总部党员们手持“结束专政、反抗独裁”、“忘不了的，年月也不会吞食”等标语表达民主诉求。

在中国大陆，没有人敢公开纪念六四，连相关词条都会被自动屏蔽。即便是在香港，延续了30多年的烛光守夜活动也日渐式微乃至被取缔。

民主，似乎与960多万平方公里的广袤大地渐行渐远。

而在海外，各民主党派、民主人士却从未放弃斗争，从未忘记历史。

参加本次活动的党员：于伟梁、魏辰雨、曾福、余刚、刘坤、靳雪涔、周亮、李景棠、赵强、林丽君、王宇峻、王建等。

新闻报道撰稿人：八九民运学生、前中共官媒记者、主编于伟梁

“June 4, 1989”: The Memorial Day for Chinese Democracy, Also a Birthday!

—— Members of the UK Headquarters of the China Democracy Party Participate in the 35th Anniversary Commemoration of June Fourth at Parliament Square in the UK

Yes, June Fourth is a memorial day, where the Tiananmen Mothers commemorate their children who passed away prematurely.

Yes, June Fourth is also a birthday. From this day onwards, the participants and successors of the student movement were born for democracy and fought for democracy.

At 2:30 PM on June 2, 2024, members of the UK Headquarters of the China Democracy Party arrived at Parliament Square in central London to participate in the grand commemoration of the 35th anniversary of June Fourth organized jointly by democratic parties in the UK, the CHINA DEVIANTS group, and Hong Kong exiles.

Members of the UK Headquarters of the China Democracy Party wore unified attire to join the gathering of thousands commemorating the 35th anniversary of June Fourth.

From the death of Hu Yaobang on April 15, which ignited the student movement, to the early morning of June Fourth when tanks entered Tiananmen Square, in just 50 days, democracy came alive and died again.

For 35 years, most Chinese people may have felt that life was better than it was back then. Why is that? The economic development achievements of China over the past few decades are there for all to see, benefiting the majority of Chinese people in tangible ways, with differences only in degrees. As a result, the dividends of economic development, like opium, gradually addicted people, unknowingly eroding their aspirations for democracy and freedom during the years of gradual boiling of the frog in warm water.

The main participants in the student movement back then were mostly students from the classes of ’85, ’86, ’87, and ’88, most of whom were between 18 and 22 years old, passionate, sincere, and full of enthusiasm and longing for democracy and science. Today, the youngest among them is already 53 years old.

Due to the consistent news censorship by the CCP authorities and the iron curtain of ignorance, most young people in China born in the 1990s and 2000s lack awareness of the June Fourth incident, let alone understanding the true panorama of that democratic movement that almost rewrote Chinese history.

Members of the UK Headquarters of the China Democracy Party held banners with slogans such as “End Dictatorship, Resist Dictatorship” and “What we can’t forget, the years can’t swallow” to express their demands for democracy.

In mainland China, no one dares to openly commemorate June Fourth, and even related terms will be automatically blocked. Even in Hong Kong, the candlelight vigils that have lasted for more than 30 years are gradually declining and even being banned.

Democracy seems to be drifting further and further away from the vast land of over 9.6 million square kilometers.

However, overseas, democratic parties and democratic individuals have never given up the fight, never forgotten history.

Members participating in this event: Weiliang Yu, Chenyu Wei, Fu Zeng, Gang Yu, Kun Liu, Xuecen Jin, Liang Zhou, Jingtang Li, Qiang Zhao, Lijun Lin, Yujun Wang, Jian Wang, and others.

News report by: Weiliang Yu, student activist from the 1989 pro-democracy movement, former CCP official media journalist, edited by Weiliang Yu

——中国民主党英国总部在中共驻英国大使馆门前举行通宵绝食守夜活动悼念“八九·六四”英灵

35年前，春夏之交。中国人猝不及防地遭遇了一场短促却又意义深远的民主运动。6月4日，在天安门广场，在那一天，中共暴政刽子手终于撕下“人民公仆”最后的面纱，动用“人民子弟兵”，使用坦克，机枪残酷屠杀自己的人民，屠杀自己的孩子，仅仅是为了保住他们那些既得利益者的江山。35年过去了，他们向自己的人民道歉过吗？没有！35年来，人民不会忘记，历史不会忘记，民主之血从未冷却。2024年6月2日晚6点到6月3日清晨6点，中国民主党英国总部举行通宵绝食守夜活动，悼念“八九·六四”英灵，继续高举民主、自由大旗，为中国14亿老百姓争取生而为人的基本权益。

晚上六点，在使馆对面和门前,党员们手举标语，高呼口号，呼唤民主、自由、平等。
与以往相比，本次活动有两大特点令人印象深刻。

一是，首次统一着装，老将新兵均着战衣，凸显独特精神风貌

早在4月中下旬，八九民运学生、党员于伟梁、就开始与党部沟通，设计、联系生产本次活动的黑色T恤衫，最后确定左胸绣全球统一的活动LOGO,前胸胶印中国民主党英国总部英文缩写CDP·UK、红色中文“历史不会忘记”字样。这是中国民主党英国总部首次在活动中统一着装，亲历过八九·六四的民运老将、八九年还未出生的民主新兵均身着“战衣”，头系写有“绝食”、“1989·6·4”字样的白布条，凸显出中国民主党英国总部党员们独特的精神风貌和战斗豪情。

二是，党内高度民主，充分讨论达成共识，依法举行示威活动

活动之前一周，在党部群里，年龄跨度三、四十年的新老党员们就活动方式展开了热烈的讨论，激进的、稳健的，快意恩仇的、依法合规的，各种意见充分交流、碰撞，最后达成了确保活动顺利进行、不给英国警方添乱、不给中共方面递刀的共识。中国民主党英国总部顾问黄华依例向伦敦警方报备了本次活动计划。有理有节，依法活动，这也是中国民主党英国总部一贯以来的行动原则。

晚八点半，伦敦入夜，党员们点亮蜡烛，为“八九·六四”天安门死难英灵们默哀。

对于中国民主党英国总部党员们和平、理性、非暴力的示威活动，中共驻英国大使馆却依然如临大敌，反应过激。我们注意到，中共大使馆被逼首次在夜间实行通宵警戒，傍晚就加了双岗，安排了4名警卫，半夜仍有二至三名警卫在门口警戒，楼内部分窗户彻夜亮灯，并不时有人从楼上撩开窗帘偷窥。中共大使馆的种种拙劣表现，尽显其色厉内荏的本质。

凌晨时分，严寒彻骨，党员们依旧守候，为“八九·六四”后夭折的民主自由默哀。

晚上10点30分，刚刚参加阿姆斯特丹水坝广场纪念活动的黄华顾问刚下飞机，驱车赶到绝食现场和主席王冠儒会面，给现场参加绝食的党员送来3箱矿泉水，打气助威！他带来几个黑色塑料垃圾袋，嘱咐绝食党员，凌晨离场时一定要清理现场，保持干净。

本次抗议绝食活动召集小组：郭宇轩（总指挥）、靳雪涔、李亚伦、闫磊、李皓博、魏辰雨。

全程参与本次绝食抗议活动的党员：郭宇轩、闫磊、李亚伦、李皓博、靳雪涔、周亮、徐伟华、朱司勇、林明强、胡晓、韦伊铭、王应和、Junius Tian、David Chan。参加本次活动的党员：王冠儒、黄华、林丽君、刘坤、于伟梁、郭宇轩、靳雪涔、李亚伦、闫磊、李皓博、魏辰雨、廖柳燕、余刚、曾福、周亮、李景棠、赵强、王建、王宇峻、顾晓锋、朱双林、兰子明、胡晓、卢灵飞、韦伊铭、徐伟华、林明强、迟帅本、朱司勇、王应和、Junius Tian 、Thomas、David Chan等。

新闻报道撰稿人：八九民运学生、前中共官媒记者、主编于伟梁。

35 Years: History Will Not Forget, the Blood for Democracy Has Never Cooled 

——UK Headquarters of China Democracy Party Holds Overnight Hunger Strike Vigil in Front of the Chinese Embassy in Memory of the June Fourth Massacre

Thirty-five years ago, in the spring and summer, the Chinese people were caught off guard by a brief yet profoundly significant democratic movement. On June 4th, in Tiananmen Square, the executioners of the Chinese Communist regime finally tore off their last “people’s servant” mask, using the “people’s army,” tanks, and machine guns to brutally slaughter their own citizens, their own children, just to maintain their hold on power. Thirty-five years have passed, have they apologized to their people? No! For 35 years, the people have not forgotten, history has not forgotten, and the blood for democracy has never cooled. From 6 PM on June 2 to 6 AM on June 3, 2024, the UK Headquarters of the China Democracy Party held an overnight hunger strike vigil to commemorate the martyrs of June Fourth and to continue raising the banner of democracy and freedom, fighting for the basic human rights of 1.4 billion Chinese people.

At 6 PM, across from and in front of the embassy, the members held banners and shouted slogans, calling for democracy, freedom, and equality.

This year’s event had two notable features.

First, Unified Attire: Veterans and New Members Alike in Combat Gear, Highlighting a Unique Spirit

In mid to late April, Weiliang Yu, a student activist from the 1989 pro-democracy movement and a party member, began coordinating with the party to design and produce black T-shirts for the event. The final design featured the global logo on the left chest, with “CDP·UK” and “History Will Not Forget” printed in red on the front. This was the first time the UK Headquarters of the China Democracy Party had unified attire for an event, with veterans from June Fourth and young new members alike donning “battle gear” and wearing white headbands inscribed with “Hunger Strike” and “1989·6·4,” showcasing their unique spirit and fighting passion.

Second, High-Level Democracy within the Party: Thorough Discussion and Consensus Reached for a Lawful Protest

In the week leading up to the event, party members spanning three to four decades of age engaged in a heated discussion about the event’s format. After thoroughly exchanging and colliding ideas—radical, moderate, vengeful, lawful—the consensus was reached to ensure the event’s smooth execution without causing trouble for British police or giving the CCP any ammunition. Advisor Hua Huang reported the event plans to the London police. Acting reasonably and legally has always been the guiding principle of the UK Headquarters of the China Democracy Party.

At 8:30 PM, as night fell in London, members lit candles and observed a moment of silence for the martyrs of the Tiananmen Massacre.

Despite the peaceful and rational non-violent protest by the UK Headquarters of the China Democracy Party, the Chinese Embassy in the UK reacted as if facing a major threat, overreacting significantly. We noticed that the embassy, for the first time, implemented an overnight alert, doubling the guards and having 4 guards on duty in the evening, with 2-3 guards still patrolling at midnight. Some windows remained lit throughout the night, with people occasionally peeking out from behind the curtains. Such actions revealed their inherent cowardice and weakness.

In the frigid early hours, members continued their vigil, mourning the stifled democracy and freedom post-June Fourth.

At 10:30 PM, Advisor Hua Huang, having just participated in the Dam Square commemoration in Amsterdam, drove to the hunger strike site after landing, meeting with Chairman Guanru Wang and delivering three boxes of mineral water to the hunger strikers, encouraging them. He also brought black garbage bags, instructing the hunger strikers to clean up the site before leaving at dawn to maintain cleanliness.

Organizing Team for this Hunger Strike Protest: Yuxuan Guo (Chief Commander), Xuecen Jin, Yaren Li, Lei Yan, Haobo Li, Chenyu Wei. Party Members Participating in the Full Hunger Strike Protest: Yuxuan Guo, Lei Yan, Yaren Li, Haobo Li, Xuecen Jin, Liang Zhou, Weihua Xu, Siyong Zhu, Mingqiang Lin, Xiao Hu, Yiming Wei, Yinghe Wang, Junius Tian, David Chan. Party Members Participating in This Event: Guanru Wang, Hua Huang, Lijun Lin, Kun Liu, Weiliang Yu, Yuxuan Guo, Xuecen Jin, Yaren Li, Lei Yan, Haobo Li, Chenyu Wei, Liuyan Liao, Gang Yu, Fu Zeng, Liang Zhou, Jingtang Li, Qiang Zhao, Jian Wang, Yujun Wang, Xiaofeng Gu, Shuanglin Zhu, Ziming Lan, Xiao Hu, Lingfei Lu, Yiming Wei, Weihua Xu, Mingqiang Lin, Shuai Chi, Siyong Zhu, Yinghe Wang, Junius Tian, Thomas, David Chan, etc.

News Report by: Weiliang Yu, a student activist from the 1989 pro-democracy movement and former Chinese state media reporter and editor.

作者：中国观察和西藏观察

2024 年 5 月 15 日星期三，中国观察和西藏观察在英国下议院组织了一次联合活动，重点讨论中国的宗教自由。

会议的主持人和主席是总理菲奥娜·布鲁斯 (Fiona Bruce) 国会议员阁下，宗教和信仰自由特使。

小组成员包括： 达赖喇嘛尊者在英国的索南次仁弗拉西（Sonam Tsering Frasi）。 拉希玛·马哈茂特（Rahima Mahmut），世界维吾尔代表大会英国主席。 张珍娜，法轮习功者。 本尼迪克特·罗杰斯，香港观察联合创始人。 会议开得很好约40位嘉宾及媒体代表出席。

英国世界维吾尔代表大会执行主任拉希玛·马哈茂特发表了热情洋溢的讲话。讲话回顾维吾尔人在祖国东突厥斯坦遭受的迫害政府。 “在我的祖国，宗教自由不存在”，她说。

达赖喇嘛尊者驻英国代表索南·弗拉西指出：今天活动的及时性，因为他指出几天后（5 月 17 日）藏人和支持者纪念中国绑架西藏十一世班禅喇嘛29周年。

法轮功学员张珍娜宣读一份声明，揭露了她母亲的遭遇。作为一名在中国受迫害的法轮功学员的经历。 电棍被用在她的母亲及其家人在被拘留期间遭到警察的无情迫害。 她会议传达的信息是“我们希望英国政府能够为正义和正义发声” 结束对法轮功的迫害。”

香港观察联合创始人本尼迪克特·罗杰斯在《香港观察》中描述了基督徒遭受的迫害。

中国大陆以及香港宗教和信仰自由受到的威胁。 他提到中共的信仰战争将加剧中国的宗教中国化永远不会成功。

China Watch 联合创始人 David Hardingham 补充道：“四位演讲者都是自由和自由以及各自的事业。 要是能多举办一些活动就好了像这样，团体可以有效地合作，以提高认识，并最终给中共施加更大的压力。”

中国观察共同创建人黄华先生向听证会主持人提出两个问题：1. 英国政府真的关心中国人权吗？2. 中国有14亿人口，其中汉人占91%，而少数民族仅仅只占9%，如果没有汉人的支持，你们怎么样解决中国的少数民族问题？

会后，黄华先生和共同创建人之一David Hardingham与会议主持人进行了私下会谈，讨论进一步合作问题。

中国观察共同创始人王冠儒，蒋玉山，耿凤全部参加了此次会议。由于会议室座位有限，门外和走廊站满了旁听的客人。

PERSECUTION OF TIBETANS, UYGHURS, CHRISTIANS, AND FALUN GONG PRACTITIONERS RAISED AT EVENT IN THE HOUSE OF COMMONS, CO-ORGANISED BY CHINA WATCH AND TIBET WATCH

On Wednesday the 15th of May 2024 China Watch and Tibet Watch organised a joint meeting in the House of Commons focusing on Freedom of Religion in China.

The host and chair of the meeting was the Rt Hon Fiona Bruce MP the Prime Minister’s Special Envoy for Freedom of Religion and Belief.

The panellists were: Sonam Tsering Frasi, Representative of His Holiness the Dalai Lama in the UK. Rahima Mahmut, UK Director of the World Uyghur Congress. Jenna Zhang, Falun Gong practitioner. Benedict Rogers, Co-founder, Hong Kong Watch. The meeting was well attended by around 40 guests and media representatives.

Rahima Mahmut the Executive Director of World Uyghur Congress UK, made a passionate speech recalling the persecution of Uyghurs in her homeland East Turkestan by the Chinese government. “Religious freedom is non-existent in my homeland” she said.

Sonam Frasi, the Representative of His Holiness the Dalai Lama in UK pointed to the timeliness of today’s event as he noted that in a few days (on 17 May) Tibetans & supporters would be commemorating the 29th anniversary of China’s abduction of Tibet’s 11th Panchen Lama.

Jenna Zhang, a Falun Gong practitioner read out a statement explaining her mother’s experience in China as a persecuted Falun Gong practitioner. Electric batons were used on her mother while in detention and the family were relentlessly persecuted by the police. Her message to the meeting was “We hope the U.K. government can speak up for justice and an end to Falun Gong persecution.”

Benedict Rogers, Co-founder of Hongkong Watch described the persecution of Christians in mainland China and the threats to religion and freedom of belief in Hong Kong. He referred to increasing Sinicization of religion in China and concluded that CCP ‘s war on faith will never succeed.

David Hardingham, co-founder of China Watch added “All four speakers are champions for liberty and freedom and for their respective causes. It would be good to have more events like this where the groups can collaborate effectively to bring more awareness and ultimately put more pressure on the CCP.”

Mr. Huang Hua, co-founder of China Watch, asked two questions to the hearing host: 1. Does the British government really care about human rights in China? 2. China has a population of 1.4 billion, of which Han people account for 91%, while ethnic minorities only account for 9%. Without the support of Han people, how will you solve China’s ethnic minority problems?

After the meeting, Mr. Huang Hua and one of the co-founders, David Hardingham, had a private meeting with the host of the meeting to discuss further cooperation issues.

The Co-founders of China Watch: Wang Guanru, Jiang Yushan, and Geng Feng all attended the meeting. Due to limited seating in the conference room, the door and corridors were filled with guests.